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ous head of the army, but they determined to suspend him from his functions for a while, and to put Sherman, who it was hoped would prove more supple, in his place. Sherman had said and written things which the President construed into an approval of his policy. So Grant was directed to order Sherman to Washington, but was not informed of the reason for the order. Grant had long exhibited a peculiar interest in the expulsion of the French from Mexico and the overthrow of the empire of Maximilian. He regarded the intrusion of foreign armies and institutions on this continent not only as a direct menace to all republican interests, but as an act of hostility towards the United States that would never have been attempted except when we were at war. His opinions were well known to the country and had been repeatedly and earnestly pressed upon the Government; and the device of the Administration now was to make use of these sentiments as an excuse to send him on a mission to the neigh
garded the French occupation of Mexico and the establishment of the Empire of Maximilian as a part of the attempt to subvert our own Republic, and his indignation at of war between the United States and France. Between the would-be empire of Maximilian and the United States all difficulty can easily be settled by observing the s the instructions you have given to General Sedgwick, barring perhaps calling Maximilian a buccaneer. I have thought it proper to renew my letter to you for official another war. Nevertheless the departure of the French and the downfall of Maximilian were doubtless accelerated by the urgency of Grant and the knowledge that Nap in expressing his opinions. In 1867 the French were finally withdrawn and Maximilian was left to his fate. He was speedily captured, and then a determined effort was as guilty who mounted a throne as if he had endeavored to overturn one. Maximilian was tried like any other individual who sought to subdue the institutions of
the South during the War; and he hoped afterward to secure the withdrawal of the French from Mexico by the same means. But to Grant this seemed to indicate indifference to the result, and he finally came to believe that Seward was willing for Maximilian to remain. Here was their first open difference. They were antagonists apparently even in aim, and certainly in means and methods and manner. The consequence was not only a marked divergence of opinion, but on Grant's part, a coolness of feeting a treaty with Seward, and he had striven successfully to lessen the influence of Seward's Minister to Mexico. Still the honors were divided. Seward had defeated Grant in what the soldier had so much at heart,—the forcible expulsion of Maximilian, accomplishing the overthrow of the empire by diplomatic means, though he risked, as Grant believed, the existence of the Mexican Republic; but Seward himself was defeated in the great object of Johnson's Administration,—the Reconstruction poli
a worthy son of that great father who also bore his fate so heroically. The revelation not only showed these two as noble sufferers, but redeemed the unfortunate woman herself from the odium for which she was not responsible. The world had known that she seemed to defy and malign her son, that she had appeared to do things unworthy of the wife or widow of the great martyr of our history, and even seemed to blot the nation's fame; but the pitiful story of Miramar casts no reflection on Maximilian's Empress, and the shadow of insanity thrown across the intelligence of Mrs. Lincoln, relieves her from reproach or blame. Instead of a mocking figure, disgracing her name and station and country, she too becomes an object of commiseration, not knowing the purport of her own words or the result of her own deeds, or perhaps vainly struggling to restrain them both, and regretting in her saner intervals the very acts she was at other times unable to control. And Lincoln—who that reveres and
neighboring State; letters describing the failing health of Napoleon III, the anxieties of Carlotta, the manoeuvres of Maximilian, and even the intrigues in the United States which complicated our own politics with those of Mexico. When at last tas very stern, and thought that the pretender to a throne should be punished as severely as any other traitor. Because Maximilian was of royal blood did not lessen his offense, and that he was of foreign origin intruding his ambitions into a countrywhere he was unwelcome heightened in Grant's eyes the enormity of his crime. He more than once said in my hearing that Maximilian ought to die; and he told me that he made the opinion known to Romero, who he supposed found means to communicate it tot always believed that his tacit condemnation of the invader had its weight. It is certain that had he raised a finger Maximilian would have been saved. But it was pollice verso; the thumb was turned breastward. This apparent harshness, however,