igns in Louisiana.
No one doubts the fact; but General McEnery and the White citizens assert that this reign osey to the front.
Neither Governor Warmoth nor General McEnery could make it out. Against whom was Packard to or Governor and Lieutenant-Governor lay between General McEnery and General Penn, soldiers of local name, on onwithout a legal governor and a regular government.
McEnery was content to wait until the Chambers met; but Kelumbers his opponents were superior to his friends.
McEnery and Penn were men of wealth, position, and repute, be turned to good account?
If neither Kellogg nor McEnery should be able to prove his case, Warmoth, the only the other.
Under him there might be order.
Under McEnery there was likely to be disorder; under Kellogg there great question as to which of the two candidates, McEnery and Kellogg, was legally elected, to the judges of ain that Chambers freely organized would have found McEnery and Penn duly elected to the executive office.
only declared that Kellogg was not the lawful Governor of Louisiana, and Pinchback not the lawful Senator for Louisiana, but directed that a new election should be held, so that the reign of anarchy might be put down in true republican fashion, by a public vote.
When pressed by the Senate to explain his action, President Grant admitted that the late election in Louisiana was a gigantic fraud.
He yielded to the Senate, that a new election ought to be held, so as to ascertain whether General McEnery or William P. Kellogg was the popular choice; but he reserved to his cabinet the right of choosing a convenient time for calling on the citizens of Louisiana to exercise their right.
All parties being now agreed that the late elections were void, Warmoth remained, as he contended, the legal Governor, bound to keep his seat and hold the Seal till his successor had been named.
Nothing was done towards carrying out these wishes of the Senate, these conclusions of the President.
reversed each other's decrees.
Kellogg, though backed by Grant, was repudiated by Congress.
McEnery though supported by the main body of White citizens in New Orleans, was not recognised by the asending Antoine, the Negro porter, back to his stand in the Custom House, and by installing General McEnery and General Penn in office, as the Governor and Lieutenant-governor of their choice.
Elen of Congress, Longstreet might see his duty in standing aside, while the voters who had chosen McEnery and Penn settled with the voters who had chosen Kellogg and Antoine.
Might . . . but who couldould feel himself justified in meddling with the purely local question as to whether Kellogg or McEnery had a true majority of votes.
Longstreet was a Southern man, and Emory would hardly go againste in New Orleans was fatal to the policy of President Grant.
Election-day was nigh; and if Governor McEnery sat in the State House of New Orleans, the Republican ticket would be lost in Louisiana.
io, a Republican, Phelps of New Jersey, a Republican, and Potter of New York, a Democrat, are in the city taking evidence, and the two Republicans hardly hide their agreement with the Democrat, that the attempt to govern through the aid of Federal soldiery is the cause of all the disorder seen about the Gulf.
With critics so unfriendly to disarm, it is Kellogg's policy to seek some safe and legal ground; but where in Louisiana can intruders like Kellogg find that safe and legal ground?
McEnery is not only stronger in votes but in repute and training.
Many of his adherents, such as Penn, his Lieutenant-governor, and Wiltz, his candidate for Speaker, were familiar with public business and the rules of public life.
Wealth, culture, eloquence are on their side.
In Kellogg's group there is hardly a man of name.
Among them may be good Republicans, men who heartily believe there is no way of saving Black equality except by crushing White freedom; but these Republicans have no voice
ss the sentries in Royal Street, except reporters for the press, officers on duty, and members of the House provided with certificates.
Potter, of the congressional sub-committee, presents his card, and is refused admission to the State House.
McEnery and Wiltz, anxious to have witnesses of the scene, invite Foster and Phelps, as well as Potter, to attend the opening of the assembly.
The three members come together, but the sentries push them back.
As chairman of the sub-committee, Foster sthem to their posts, and till that officer orders them away they will remain.
Foster and Phelps observe these facts and note these words.
To Wiltz it is now apparent that if stratagem fail, the scalawags are prepared to call in force, and to McEnery it is no less evident that the Federal officers are ready to obey that call.
One hasty word, one heedless step, may lead to a collision.
Let us be firm and quick, the citizens whisper to each other; most of all, let us abide within the law.
If President Grant will leave Sheridan as free to act in Louisiana, as he left him free to act in the Blue Ridge valleys and the Peigan hunting-grounds, my dashing neighbour sees his way to square accounts with such opponents as Wiltz and Ogden, McEnery and Penn.
I know these people well, he says, having lived with them in other times, when they were wilder than they are to-day.
I have no doubt about my course.
The White League must be trodden down.
They are a bad lot: mere banditti, bent ofence to a White leaguer.
No longer of opinion that a proclamation by President Grant is sufficient, Sheridan now asks the ministers to get an Act of Congress passed, giving him authority to hang such men as General Ogden and Captain Angel, Governor McEnery and Lieutenant-governor Penn.
Banditti! How the word appears to leap on every lip and blister every tongue!
Banditti? We banditti?
We, the proudest gentlemen and noblest gentlewomen in America, branded as outlaws by a subaltern of Gener
An aide-de-camp brings us an invitation from General McEnery to visit the Conservative headquarters in Canal Street; and intart from our hotel, now known as Headquarters of the Gulf.
General McEnery occupies a suite of rooms in Canal Street, looking on the effi mockeries and burlesques.
On entering the cabinet, we find Governor McEnery, Lieutenant-governor Penn, and several Senators, who decline till not be easily beaten from the ground they once take up.
General McEnery is a small man, something like President Grant in face, with mty lies.
All three are gentlemen of property.
We claim, says General McEnery, to represent ninety-five per cent. of all the property in th, supported by a Black police, you have abuse.
Is it true, General McEnery, that Conservatives, as a rule, object to giving Negroes politsands will vote for us when the Federal troops retire.
From General McEnery's cabinet we go to the Conservative Lower House, in St. Louis
myself has been recognised by Congress as Governor of Louisiana.
Kellogg and McEnery are alike repudiated.
Kellogg is Governor by grace of General Sheridan.
If the Federal army left, McEnery would be Governor by force of the White League.
When right and order gain the mastery, there will be no legal Governor in New Orleans ought him into friendly intercourse with men as stern in their Conservatism as McEnery and Penn.
Wiltz has received him; Ogden has visited him in jail.
By his char for ever.
Warmoth prints his suggestion, and the two Conservative leaders, McEnery and Wiltz, adopt it as a reasonable compromise of the dispute.
Next morning Jo of New Orleans, and a long train of carriages follows him to his grave.
Governor McEnery is one of his pall-bearers, and more than two thousand citizens march behiled a man. His prison is a court, his visiting-book filled with famous names.
McEnery calls on him in jail.
Ogden and Penn are no less courteous, and Speaker Wiltz
Grant is firm, the other side will soon make terms.
I could find the three voters to make up my quorum, but I will not pay the price.
I wish to have an honest Government, and should be rather glad than otherwise to have a Conservative majority in the Lower House.
White people are easier to satisfy than Black.
Why let the Chamber meet, transact business, and print journals, as though they were a lawful Legislature?
I cannot help myself.
The other side are rich, and we are poor.
McEnery's group, composed of rich people, can live without their pay; our group, composed of needy persons, must be paid.
Unless we have a pretext for giving them three dollars a day, they cannot stay in New Orleans.
In less than a week thirty out of the fifty would be gone.
I let them meet, attend to formal matters, and receive their salaries, but I caution them to leave all serious business till we see our way. There is a fight between us. The Chambers are burning to pass an Appropriation Bil