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nger our Government. It will be for our Legislature to say what laws of the United States shall be continued and what not. The simple act of secession does not abrogate all the laws. We have a great many laws on our statute books which were passed by the Governor and the Privy Council. Mr. Gregg--The Congressional laws for the collection of revenue are for the support of the Federal Government at Washington, and all our Post-office laws fall on our dissolution with that Government. Mr. Miles--We have to deal with facts and stern realities. We must prevent confusion, anarchy, and the derangement of our Government affairs. Things must for the present remain in statu quo, or confusion will arise. Mr. Hayne--Sudden action is injurious. Mr. Chesnut--Two questions are involved — power and duty. We must preserve our people, not only from inconveniences, but chaotic condition. We must revivify such laws as will best preserve us from calamities. As to duty, will you turn the
uld be on the bloody hand that his rights of property would have to depend. Slavery cannot expand rapidly, either within the Union or without the Union, so long as slaves remained at their present high prices. The only mode by which slavery could ever expand, was to reduce the price, and have a new source of supply. That was, in fact, the real design of the coast States. Mr. Clemens, in proof of this, referred to all the Southern Conventions of late years, and cited the admissions of Messrs. Miles, Bonham, McRae, and Crawford, in the House, to show that the object was the re-opening of the slave-trade. Suppose, said he, that they do not get, out of the Union, this equality which they now claim? That is a little problem in the Rule of Three, which will be ciphered out if these events are much longer pending. The Border Slave States might as well be prepared first as last for the realization of the truth. But where was slavery to expand? If the South left the Union, she would n
gentleman of taste and skill, in the city of Charleston, who offers another model, which embraces the same idea of a cross, but upon a different ground. The gentleman who offers this model, appears to be more hopeful than the young ladies. They offer one with seven stars, six for the States already represented in this Congress, and the seventh for Texas, whose deputies, we hope, will soon be on their way to join us. He offers a flag which embraces tho whole fifteen States. God grant that this hope may be realized, and that we may soon welcome their stars, to the glorious constellation of the Southern confederacy! (Applause.) Mr. Miles--I move that a committee of one from each State be appointed to report upon a flag for the Confederate States of America. Adopted. The States were called, and the following committee was announced:--Messrs. Shorter, of Alabama; Morton, of Florida; Barton, of Georgia; Sparrow, of Louisiana; Harris of Mississippi; and Miles, of South Carolina.
Anderson replied that he would go out on the same terms that he (Maj. Anderson) had mentioned on the 11th. Gen. Wigfall then said: Very well; then it is understood that you will evacuate. That is all I have to do. You military men will arrange every thing else on your own terms. He then departed, the white flag still waving where he had placed it, and the stars and stripes waving from the flag-staff which had become the target of the rebels. Shortly after his departure Maj. Lee, the Hon. Porcher Miles, Senator Chesnut, and the Hon. Roger A. Pryor, the staff of Gen. Beauregard, approached the fort with a white flag, and said they came from Gen. Beauregard, who had observed that the flag had been down and raised again a few minutes afterward. The General had sent over, desiring to know if he could render any assistance, as he had observed that the fort was on fire. (This was perhaps a delicate mode of asking for a surrender.) Maj. Anderson, in replying, requested them to thank Gen