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Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 11 11 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 25. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 2 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: January 13, 1862., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: November 30, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: September 28, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 24, 1864., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 1 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 1 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 1 1 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 1 1 Browse Search
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An English Combatant, Lieutenant of Artillery of the Field Staff., Battlefields of the South from Bull Run to Fredericksburgh; with sketches of Confederate commanders, and gossip of the camps., Chapter 28: (search)
Scott, Lee, McClellan, Beauregard, Heintzelman, and a host of other talented officers, he could not be far from understanding the aspirations and particular qualifications of each: in fact, President Davis was the first to exclaim, from his thorough knowledge of the man, McClellan is the best officer they could select; but they will not keep him long a remark which seemed prophetic. Nor can we forget the part which Davis and his friends instigated Floyd, Cobb, and others to play when Cabinet Ministers to Buchanan — it may seem disreputable, but I don't think so, for self-preservation is the first law of nature. When it became evident that North and South could no longer live amicably together, and that dissolution was inevitable, Floyd, as Minister of War, prepared for the crisis by quietly sending the South her fair proportion of arms. The transaction was a secret one, but yet was commented upon by watchful men at the North. It was said, however, that we might soon be engaged wi
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3., Chapter 16: career of the Anglo-Confederate pirates.--closing of the Port of Mobile — political affairs. (search)
ed to the alternative of liberating the slaves, and relying upon them to secure the independence of the Confederacy, or of absolute subjugation. The people had also observed, for some time, with gloomy forebodings, the usurpation of power on the part of Davis, and a tendency to the absolutism which precedes positive despotism. At about the time we are considering, that feeling was intensified by a decision of George Davis, the Confederate Attorney-General, in a certain case, that the Cabinet Ministers must see that all laws be faithfully executed, even should they be clearly and expressly unconstitutional. See A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, II. 322. It makes the President absolute, wrote the Diarist. I fear this Government, in future times, will be denounced as a cabal of bandits and outlaws, making and executing the most despotic decrees. This decision will look bad in history, and will do no good at present. At page 334, the Diarist says: Both Houses of Congress sit most of the
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 26 (search)
ederacy had been cemented, and he chosen its Vice-President, he was required to address a vast assemblage at Savannah, March 21, 1860. and did so in elaborate exposition and defense of the new Confederate Constitution. After claiming that it preserved all that was dear and desirable of the Federal Constitution, while it embodied very essential improvements on that document, in its prohibition of Protective Duties and Internal Improvements by Confederate authority; in its proffer to Cabinet Ministers of seats in either House of Congress, with the right of debate; and in forbidding the reelection of a President while in office, Mr. Stephens proceeded: But, not to be tedious in enumerating the numerous changes for the better, allow me to allude to one other — though last, not least: the new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution — African Slavery as it exists among us — the proper status of the negro in our form of ci<
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II., Xxx. Political Mutations and results.—the Presidential canvass of 1864.< (search)
Blacks became day by day a more active and more efficient element of our National strength, his doubts were fully dispelled, and his faith was the firmer and clearer for his past skepticism. Hence, at the great gathering which inaugurated Nov. 19, 1863. the National Cemetery carved from the battle-field of Gettysburg for the ashes of our brethren who there died that their country might live, though the elaborately polished oration of Edward Everett was patiently listened to, while Cabinet Ministers and Governors were regarded with lively curiosity, the central figure on the platform was the tall, plain, unpresuming, ungainly rail-splitter from the prairies ; and the only words uttered that the world cares to remember were those of the President, who — being required to say something — thus responded: Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon tills continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 49 (search)
d by it bear the burden. So with the mouths of the Alabama and Mississippi rivers. Just as the products of the interior — our cotton, wheat, corn, and other articles — have to bear the necessary rates of freight over our railroads to reach the seas. This is again the broad principle of perfect equality and justice. [Applause.] And it is specially held forth and established in our new Constitution. Another feature to which I will allude, is that the new Constitution provides that Cabinet Ministers and heads of Departments shall have the privilege of seats upon the floor of the Senate and House of Representatives--shall have a right to participate in the debates and discussions upon the various subjects of administration. I should have preferred that this provision should have gone further, and allowed the President to select his constitutional advisers from the Senate and House of Representatives. That would have conformed entirely to the practice in the British Parliament, wh
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir, Chapter XI (search)
nsent of the Senate. It is but a short time since the United States Senate was in session and why not then have asked for this removal if it was desired? It certainly was the intention of the Legislative branch of the Government to place Cabinet Ministers beyond the power of Executive removal, and it is pretty well understood that, so far as Cabinet Ministers are affected by the Tenure of Office bill, it was intended specially to protect the Secretary of War, whom the country felt great confCabinet Ministers are affected by the Tenure of Office bill, it was intended specially to protect the Secretary of War, whom the country felt great confidence in. The meaning of the law may be explained away by an astute lawyer but common sense and the views of loyal people will give to it the effect intended by its framers. . . . In conclusion, allow me to say as a friend, desiring peace and quiet, the welfare of the whole country North and South, that it is in my opinion more than the loyal people of this country (I mean those who supported the Government during the great Rebellion) will quietly submit to, to see the very men of all other
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir, Chapter XIII (search)
ce summoned him to a Cabinet meeting. Grant obeyed the message and was addressed as Mr. Secretary. He instantly disclaimed the title, and declared he had notified the President that he could no longer serve in that capacity; but Johnson maintained that Grant had promised to remain in office until a successor could be appointed. The result was a direct issue of veracity between Grant and the President. Grant positively denied the assertion of Johnson and Johnson induced three of his Cabinet Ministers to declare that he spoke the truth, which implied of course that Grant was false. Grant never spoke to either of these men again, nor allowed his family to visit theirs. On the day when he was inaugurated as President he refused to sit in the same carriage with his predecessor, and during his Administration he manifested the same feeling toward Johnson's Secretary of the Treasury. McCulloch had returned to his old business of banking and was established in London as a partner in th
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir, Chapter 17: (search)
e actual necessity for decision there could be no mistaking the signs. Still Grant lived in the hope that the necessity might be averted. He would not admit to himself that he must take up the new role. The approach of the crisis awoke no ambition in him. Indeed, the spectacle of Johnson dishonored, impeached, almost deposed, was not calculated to make one who stood so near at all eager to become his successor. The struggles whose inner history Grant knew so well, the troubles with Cabinet Ministers, the distracting fears and anxieties of Johnson, perhaps the fate of Lincoln,—all conspired to dispel the illusions which men further off might entertain. Grant saw for himself that the lot of the President was a hard one; and I do not believe he ever admitted to his own heart before the final rupture with Johnson that he would accept the nomination for the Presidency. This repugnance doubtless helped him to conceal so long his differences with the President, and made him submit t
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir, Chapter 18: (search)
ut Grant kept every intention within his own breast down to a very few days before his inauguration. He was led to this unusual course partly by his military habits and experience, and partly, no doubt, by a belief that his own judgment was better than that of any who could advise him. He had been used in the army to appointing commanders without consulting their wishes and to ordering movements without informing his inferiors; and he kept up the practice in civil life. Many of his Cabinet Ministers were appointed before they themselves were notified. One of them told me he felt as if he had been struck by lightning when he heard of his own nomination. Marshall Jewell went to Washington once to urge the appointment of a friend to the Russian Mission, but was unsuccessful, and on his return he learned that his own name had been sent to the Senate for the post. Jewell was afterward dismissed from the Cabinet in the same peremptory way. Grant said to him one morning: Mr. Jewell,
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir, Chapter 19: (search)
returning to Philadelphia, he read on the train that his own name had been sent to the Senate as Secretary of the Navy. He was the man from Pennsylvania, and that was the first he knew about it. Grant, indeed, at this time, looked upon Cabinet Ministers as on staff officers, whose personal relations with himself were so close that they should be chosen for personal reasons; a view that his experience in civil affairs somewhat modified. If he had served a third term in the Presidency, his very President who either followed or preceded him. I have, however, no idea that he was planning for re-election thus early; and he certainly never admitted either at the time or afterward that such motives affected him in the selection of Cabinet Ministers. Nevertheless, I thought then, and I think still, that he was determined to have no rivals near the throne. On the 5th of March the Cabinet appointments were sent to the Senate. Washburne was to be Secretary of State; Stewart, Secretar
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