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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 190 10 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 52 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 14 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 14 0 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 4. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 12 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 11 1 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 10 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: August 31, 1861., [Electronic resource] 8 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 8 0 Browse Search
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee 8 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing). You can also browse the collection for James Monroe or search for James Monroe in all documents.

Your search returned 100 results in 62 document sections:

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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Abolitionists. (search)
practical or troublesome, except petitions to Congress, and served as a moral palliative to the continuance of the practice. The abolition of the African slave-trade by Great Britain in 1807, and by the United States in 1808, came as a great relief to the abolition societies, which had grown discouraged by the evident impossibility of effecting anything in the South, and were now ready to accept this success as the limit of possibility for the present. In 1801, Thomas Jefferson and Gov. James Monroe, of Virginia, had considerable correspondence on the subject of colonizing free blacks outside of the country. In the autumn of 1816, a society for this purpose was organized in Princeton, N. J. The Virginia Legislature commended the matter to the government, and in December, 1816, the National Colonization Society met in Washington. Its object was to encourage emancipation by procuring a place outside of the United States, preferably in Africa, to which free negroes could be aided i
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Adams, John Quincy, 1767- (search)
ic concerns. During his occupation of this office Mr. Adams was identified with the negotiation of the treaty with Spain by which Florida was ceded to the United States for $5,000,000, and by which also the boundary between Louisiana and Mexico was established. He is credited with having been the author of the declaration known as the Monroe doctrine (see Monroe, James). The closing part of his term as Secretary was marked by the legislation of the Missouri compromise (Missouri). When President Monroe submitted to his cabinet the two questions concerning the interpretation of the act as passed by the Congress, Mr. Adams stood alone in the opinion that the word forever meant forever. When Monroe's administration was drawing to a close, several prominent men were spoken of as candidates for the Presidency — William C. Crawford, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and Andrew Jackson. The votes in the autumn of 1824 showed that the people had not elected either of the ca
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Adams, Samuel, 1722-1803 (search)
f Rev. Jonas Clarke, and Gage thought to surprise and capture them at midnight. The vigilant Warren, learning the secret of the expedition, sent Paul Revere to warn the patriots of their danger. Revere waited at Charlestown for a signal-light from the sexton of the North Church, to warn him of the forward movement of the troops. It was given, and on Deacon Larkin's swift horse Revere sped to Lexington. At a little past midnight he rode up to Clarke's house. which he found guarded by Sergeant Monroe and his men. In hurried words he asked for Hancock. The family have retired. said the sergeant, and I am directed not to allow them to be disturbed by any noise. Noise! exclaimed Revere; you'll have noise enough before long; the regulars are coming out! He was then allowed to knock at the door. Mr. Clarke appeared at a window, when Revere said, I wish to see Mr. Hancock. I do not like to admit strangers into my house so late at night, answered Mr. Clarke. Hancock, who was not a
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Barney, Joshua, 1759- (search)
ryland presented him with a sword. At the close of the war he engaged in business on shore, but very soon took to the sea again. At Cape Francis, W. I., he received on his ship (1792) a large number of women and children who had escaped massacre by the blacks. His vessel was captured by an English cruiser, but Barney recaptured her from the prize crew. He was again captured by an English cruiser (1793), and imprisoned as a pirate. His ship and cargo were condemned. In 1794 he went with Monroe to France, and bore Joshua Barney. the American flag to the National Convention (see Monroe, James). He was a warm partisan of the French, and entered their navy as commander of a squadron, but resigned his commission in 1802. When the War of 1812-15 broke out, he engaged in privateering with much success. He was appointed captain in the United States navy in April, 1814, and placed in command of a flotilla of small vessels for the defence of the coasts of the Chesapeake. Driven up the
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Cabinet, President's (search)
ion of the federal government: Secretaries of State. Name.Appointed. Thomas JeffersonSept.26,1789 Edmund RandolphJan.2,1794 Timothy Pickering Dec.10,1795 John MarshallMay13,1800 James Madison March 5, 1801 Robert Smith March 6, 1809 James Monroe April 2, 1811 John Quincy Adams March 5, 1817 Henry Clay March 7, 1825 Martin Van Buren March 6, 1929 Edward Livingston May 24, 1831 Louis McLane May 29, 1833 John Forsyth June 27, 1834 Daniel Webster March 5, 1841 Hugh S. Legare Mar. Henry Knox Sept. 12, 1789 Timothy Pickering Jan. 2, 1795 James McHenryJan. 27, 1796 Samuel Dexter May 13, 1800 Roger Griswold Feb. 3, 1801 Henry Dearborn March 5, 1801 William Eustis March 7, 1809 John Armstrong Jan. 13, 1813 James Monroe Sept.27, 1814 William H. Crawford Aug. 1, 1815 George Graham Ad interim John C. Calhoun Oct. 8, 1817 James Barbour March 7, 1825 Peter B. Porter May 26, 1828 John H. Eaton March 9, 1829 Lewis Cass Aug. 1, 1831 Joel R. Poinsett .March 7
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Calhoun, John Caldwell 1782-1850 (search)
In 1807 he began the practice of the profession in his native district. Thoughtful, ardent, and persevering, he soon took high rank in his profession, and gained a very lucrative practice. Fond of politics, he early entered its arena, and in 1808-10 was a member of the State legislature. He was sent to Congress in 1811, where he remained, by successive elections, until 1817. Mr. Calhoun was very influential in pressing Madison to make a declaration of war with Great Britain in 1812. President Monroe called him to his cabinet as Secretary of War (Dec. 16, 1817), and he served as such during the President's double term of office. In 1824 he was chosen Vice-President of the United States, and was reelected with Andrew Jackson in 1828. In 1831 he was elected United States Senator by the legislature of South Carolina. He was Secretary of State in 1844-45, and from 1845 till 1850 he was again a member of the United States Senate. The doctrine of State sovereignty and supremacy, and t
tigue that he despatched for Detroit, in a schooner, his own baggage and that of most of his officers; also all of his hospital stores, intrenching tools, and a trunk containing, his most valuable military papers. The wives of three of his officers, with thirty soldiers to protect the schooner, also embarked in her. In a smaller vessel the invalids of the army were conveyed. Both vessels arrived at the site of Toledo on the evening of July 1. The next day, when near Frenchtown (afterwards Monroe), Hull received a note from the postmaster at Cleveland announcing the declaration of war. It was the first intimation he had received of that important event. In fact, the British at Fort Malden (now Amherstburg) heard of the declaration before Hull did, and captured his schooner, with all its precious freight. The commander at Malden had been informed of it, by express, as early as June 30—two days before it reached Hull. The latter pressed forward, and encamped near Detroit on July 5.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Clay, Henry 1777-1852 (search)
42. He was twice defeated as a candidate for the Presidency (1832 and 1844); and was in the Senate for the last time from 1849 till 1852, taking a leading part in the compromise measures of 1850, as he did in those of 1832. Mr. Clay did much by his eloquence to arouse a war spirit against Great Britain in 1812; and his efforts were effective in securing an acknowledgment of the independence of the Spanish colonies in South America. He always advocated the thoroughly American policy of President Monroe in excluding European influence on this continent. He died in Washington, D. C., June 29, 1852. The secret history of Clay's Compromise Bill in 1832, which quieted rampant nullification, seems to be as follows: Mr. Calhoun, as leader of the nullifiers, had proceeded to the verge of treason in his opposition to the national government, and President Jackson had threatened him with arrest if he moved another step forward. Knowing the firmness and decision of the President, he dared n
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Cleveland, Grover 1837- (search)
n by the United States, that the reasons justifying an appeal to the doctrine enunciated by President Monroe are generally inapplicable to the state of things in which we live at the present day, and nt to that portion of this continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action which President Monroe declared to be dangerous to our peace and our safety, and it can make no difference whether declaring that the United States would resist any such enterprise if it were contemplated, President Monroe adopted a policy which received the entire sympathy of the English government of that date. He further declares: Though the language of President Monroe is directed to the attainment of objects which most Englishmen would agree to be salutary, it is impossible to admit that they have been nal law. Again he says: They (her Majesty's government) fully concur with the view which President Monroe apparently entertained, that any disturbance of the existing territorial distribution in th
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Conscriptions. (search)
Conscriptions. In October, 1814, the acting Secretary of War (James Monroe) proposed vigorous measures for increasing the army and giving it material strength. Volunteering had ceased, and lie proposed to raise, by conscription or draft, sufficient to fill the existing ranks of the army to the full amount of 62,448 men; also an additional regular force of 40,000 men, to be locally employed for the defence of the frontiers and sea-coast. Bills for this purpose were introduced into Congress (Oct. 27, 1814); and this and other war measures were more favorably received than usual because of the waning prospect of peace with Great Britain, excepting on terms humiliating to the United States. The proposition to raise a large force by conscription brought matters to a crisis in New England. Because of the unpatriotic course of the peace faction in New England, the President insisted upon the exclusive control of all military movements there, while States in other portions of the Unio
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