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Matthew Arnold, Civilization in the United States: First and Last Impressions of America., III: a word more about America. (search)
land question in Scotland, is like one seeing, thinking, and speaking in some other planet than ours. A man of even Mr. John Morley's gifts is provoked with the House of Lords, and straightway he declares himself against the existence of a Second Ceater loss to his country, Hardly inferior in influence to Parliament itself is journalism. I do not conceive of Mr. John Morley as made for filling that position in Parliament which Mr. Goldwin Smith would, I think, have filled. If he controlser hand, he was as unique a figure as Mr. Goldwin Smith would, I imagine, have been in Parliament. As a journalist, Mr. John Morley showed a mind which seized and understood the signs of the times; he had all the ideas of a man of the best insight, and alone, perhaps, among men of his insight, he had the skill for making these ideas pass into journalism. But Mr. John Morley has now left journalism. There is plenty of talent in Parliament, plenty of talent in journalism, but no one in either
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 5: sources of the Tribune's influence — Greeley's personality (search)
sordid ends, and values every utterance solely as it tends to preserve quiet and contentment, while the dollars fall jingling into the merchants' drawer, the land-jobbers' vault, and the miser's bag-can but be noted in their day, and with their day be forgotten. Herein we get Greeley's idea of isms, a conception not unlike Carlyle's definition of a certain abbot's Catholicism-something like the isms of all true men in all true centuries. The Tribune was started when, in the words of John Morley, a great wave of humanity, of benevolence, of desire for improvement — a great wave of social sentiment, in short-poured itself among all who had the faculty of large and disinterested thinking ; a day when Pusey and Thomas Arnold, Carlyle and Dickens, Cobden and O'Connell, were arousing new interest in old subjects; when the communistic experiments in Brazil and Owen's project at Hopedale inspired expectation of social improvement; when Southey and Coleridge meditated a migration to the
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters, Chapter 6: the Transcendentalists (search)
nnot organize and construct in verse, he is capable here afd there of the true miracle of transforming fact and thought into true beauty. Aldrich used to. say that he would rather have written Emerson's Bacchus than any American poem. That the pure, high, and tonic mind of Emerson was universal II its survey of human forces, no one would claim. Certain limitations in interest and sympathy are obvious. That horrid burden and impediment of the soul which the churches call sin, to use John Morley's words, occupied his attention but little. Like a mountain climber in a perilous pass, he preferred to look up rather than down. He does not stress particularly those old human words, service and sacrifice. Antiscientific, anti-social, anti-christian are the terms applied to him by one of his most penetrating critics. Yet I should prefer to say un-scientific, unsocial, and non-Christian, in the sense in which Plato and Isaiah are non-Christian. Perhaps it would be still nearer the t
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, John Greenleaf Whittier, English men of letters. (search)
English men of letters. Edited by John Morley. Cloth. 12mo. Price, 40 cents, each Addison. By W. J. Courthope. Bacon. By R. W. Church. Bentley. By Prof. Jebb. Bunyan. By J. A. Froude. Burke. By John Morley. Burns. By Principal Shairp. Byron. By Prof. Nichol. Carlyle. By Prof. Nichol. Chaucer. By Prof. A. W. Ward. Coleridge. By H. D. Traill. Cowper. By Goldwin Smith. Defoe. By W. Minto. de Quincey. By Prof. Mason. Dickens. By A. W. Ward. DrJohn Morley. Burns. By Principal Shairp. Byron. By Prof. Nichol. Carlyle. By Prof. Nichol. Chaucer. By Prof. A. W. Ward. Coleridge. By H. D. Traill. Cowper. By Goldwin Smith. Defoe. By W. Minto. de Quincey. By Prof. Mason. Dickens. By A. W. Ward. Dryden. By G. Sainksbury. Fielding. By Austin Dobson. Gibbon. By J. Cotter Morison. Goldsmith.. By William Black. gray. By Edmund Gosse. Hume.. By T. H. Huxley. Johnson. By Leslie Stephen. Keats. By Sidney Colvin. Lamb. By Alfred Ainger. Landor. By Sidney Colvin. Locke. By Prof. Fowler. MacAULAYulay. By J. Cotter Morison. Milton. By Mark Pattison. Pope. By Leslie Stephen. SCOlTT. By R. H. Hutton. Skelley. By J. A. Symonds. Sheridan. By Mrs. Oliphant
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, John Greenleaf Whittier, English men of letters. (search)
English men of letters. Edited by John Morley. Three biographies in each volume Cloth. 12mo. Price, $1.00, each Chaucer. By Adolphus William Ward. Spenser. By R. W. Church. Dryden. By George Saintsbury. Milton. By Mark Pattison, B. D. Goldsmith. By William Black. Cowper. By Goldwin Smith. Byron. By John Nichol. Shelley. By John Addington Symonds. Keats. By Sidney Colvin, M. A. Wordsworth. By F. W. H. Myers. Southey. By Edward Dowden. Landor. By Sidney Colvin, M. Lamb. By Alfred Ainger. Addison. By W. J. Courthope. Swift. By Leslie Stephen. Scott. By Richard H. Hutton. Burns. By Principal Shairp. Coleridge. By H. D. Traill. Hume. By T. H. Huxley, F. R.S. Locke. By Thomas Fowler. Burke. By John Morley. Fielding. By Austin Dobson. Thackeray. By Anthony Trollope. Dickens. By Adolphus William Ward. Gibbon. By J. Cotter Morison. Carlylze. By John Nichol. Macaulay. By J. Cotter Morison. Sidney. By J. A. Symonds. De Quincey. By Dav
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
nce, discovered this prevailing impression concerning Seward, and did his best in private conversation and a letter to the London Times to remove it. Seward's Life, vol. III. pp. 29, 30, 37; Weed's Life, vol. II. pp. 355-361. The Duchess of Sutherland evidently wrote with the same thought her letter to Seward, Dec. 8, 1861. Seward's Life, vol. III. p. 32. Cobden, however, took him less seriously, thinking him a kind of American Thiers or Palmerston or Russell, talking to Bunkum. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 386. The Duke of Argyll, a member of the British cabinet, the only member altogether sympathetic with our cause, wrote to Sumner as early as June 4, 1861:— I write a few lines very earnestly to entreat that you will use your influence and official authority to induce your government, and especially Mr. Seward, to act in a more liberal and a less reckless spirit than he is supposed here to indicate towards foreign governments, and especially towards oursel
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
ge party in that country was watching for a pretext to push intervention in favor of the rebellion. Three fourths of the House of Commons, as Cobden wrote, will be glad to find an excuse for voting for the dismemberment of the great republic. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 388-390. He wrote to Bright, December 6: I doubt whether another year's blockade will be borne by the world. What say you? If you agree, you should let Sumner know. The Cabinet, while maintaining the forms of nessages from the secretary's despatches to which the senator objected. (Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, collected by A. T. Rice, Paper by John B. Alley, p. 579.) Sumner assured Cobden of Seward's pacific disposition, but Cobden was distrustful. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 386, 391. While the matter was pending the senator was almost daily with the President, and often with the secretary, constantly urging that every honorable effort should be made, not only to settle the present dif
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ight (who rather likes to battle with the long odds against him), that thinks you can put down the rebellion. See Cobden's letter to Paulton, January, 1862, in Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 390. Cobden at first had leanings towards the South, influenced by his free-trade sentiments and his repugnance to war, but he soon came right under the inspiration of Bright. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 372, 373. He had been impressed during his visits to this country with the material resources of the free States, and did not share the common English opinion that the suppression of the rebellion was improbable; but he had no faith, when that rof the pursuits of peace, and sure, if the contest were prolonged, to bring on foreign intervention. Letter of Cobden to Sumner, in manuscript, July 11, 1862. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 401. The Duke of Argyll wrote Sumner, July 12, to the same effect. Thus hampered by economical opinions and want of faith, he was
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
64, Jan. 17, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 141-173. Other writers who took his view in the discussion were Theophilus Parsons, George Bemis, and C. F. Dunbar; but on the other side were Goldwin Smith and Prof. Henry W. Torrey, —the latter writing with the signature of Privatus. Cobden, in the last letter but one which he wrote to Sumner, objected to his use of England's old doings as an excuse for your present shortcomings; and thought the vessel should have been promptly returned to Brazil. (Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 459, 460.) The vessel went to the bottom in Hampton Roads shortly after in a collision. Our government disavowed the acts of the American officers in making the seizure. During the war several of Sumner's friends, whom he had long cherished, were severed from him by death. Mr. Giddings died at Montreal, May 27, 1864, where he was serving as consulgeneral. He kept up a correspondence with Sumner on affairs in this country and our relations with Canada.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
nvention of Massachusetts, adding the expression of his individual grief. Works, vol. IX. pp. 498, 499. A friend of Cobden, who had introduced Sumner to him many years before (Joseph Parkes), died a few months later. His last letter to Sumner, April 5 of the same year, gave an account of Cobden's last days and an estimate of his character. Cobden's last letter Extracts from the two letters preceding the last from Mr. Cobden, dated Aug. 18, 1864, and Jan. 11, 1865, may be found in Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 446, 459. to Sumner was written March 2, just one month before his death. He wrote:— I feel it a pleasant duty to give you my best congratulations on the recent proceedings within and without your halls of Congress. The vote on the amendment of the Constitution was a memorable and glorious event in your history. Another incident—that of your introduction of a colored man to the Supreme Court—was hardly less interesting. In all these proceedings at Wa<
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