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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
e subsequently added, specifically declared that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law. It is evident, from a perusal of the debates on the Federal Constitution, that Slavery, like the slave trade, was regarded as temporary; and it seems to have been supposed by many that they would both disappear together. Nor do any words employed in our day denounce it with an indignation more burning than that which glowed on the lips of the fathers. Mr. Morris, of Pennsylvania, said in Convention, that he would never concur in upholding domestic slavery. It is a nefarious institution. In another mood, and with mild judicial phrase, Mr. Madison thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea of property in man. And Washington, in a letter written near this period, says, with a frankness worthy of imitation, There is but one proper and effectual mode by which the abolition of slavery can be accomplished, and that is by legislative action
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Xi. (search)
e subsequently added, specifically declared that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law. It is evident, from a perusal of the debates on the Federal Constitution, that Slavery, like the slave trade, was regarded as temporary; and it seems to have been supposed by many that they would both disappear together. Nor do any words employed in our day denounce it with an indignation more burning than that which glowed on the lips of the fathers. Mr. Morris, of Pennsylvania, said in Convention, that he would never concur in upholding domestic slavery. It is a nefarious institution. In another mood, and with mild judicial phrase, Mr. Madison thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea of property in man. And Washington, in a letter written near this period, says, with a frankness worthy of imitation, There is but one proper and effectual mode by which the abolition of slavery can be accomplished, and that is by legislative action
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fifth: Senatorial career. (search)
usion. By the Preamble, the Constitution speaks for Freedom. By these declarations, the Fathers speak as the Constitution speaks. Early in the Convention, Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania, broke forth in the language of an Abolitionist: He never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious institution. It wa also that it could not have been regarded as a source of National power over Slavery. It will be remembered, that, among the members of the Convention, were Gouverneur Morris, who had said that he never would concur in upholding domestic slavery; Elbridge Gerry, who thought we ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it; Roeral welfare, which repudiates every Oligarchy— and to secure the blessings of liberty, in whose presence human bondage must cease. Early in the Convention, Gouverneur Morris broke forth in the language of an Abolitionist: He never would concur in upholding domestic Slavery. It was a nefarious institution. It was the curse of He
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Vi. (search)
omote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of Liberty. Here, surely, Liberty is national. Secondly. Next in importance to the Preamble are the explicit contemporaneous declarations in the Convention which framed the Constitution, and elsewhere, expressed in different forms of language, but all tending to the same conclusion. By the Preamble, the Constitution speaks for Freedom. By these declarations, the Fathers speak as the Constitution speaks. Early in the Convention, Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania, broke forth in the language of an Abolitionist: He never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the State where it prevailed. Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, said: The morality or wisdom of Slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves. According to him, Slavery was sectional. At a later day, a discussion ensued on the clause touching the African slave trade, which reveals the d
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Xv. (search)
ention, not one of the reckless partisans of slavery, was so audacious as to make this proposition. Had it been distinctly made, it would have been distinctly denied. The fact that the provision on this subject was adopted unanimously, while showing the little importance attached to it in the shape it finally assumed, testifies also that it could not have been regarded as a source of National power over Slavery. It will be remembered, that, among the members of the Convention, were Gouverneur Morris, who had said that he never would concur in upholding domestic slavery; Elbridge Gerry, who thought we ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it; Roger Sherman, who was opposed to any clause acknowledging men to be property; James Madison, who thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea that there could be property in man; and Benjamin Franklin, who likened American slaveholders to Algerine corsairs. In the face of these unequivocal statements, it is absurd to supp
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Xxxvii. (search)
s, according to undeniable words, the Constitution was ordained, not to establish, secure or sanction slavery —not to promote the special interest of slave-masters, bound together in oligarchical combination—not to make Slavery national in any way, form or manner; but to establish justice, which condemns Slavery— to promote the general welfare, which repudiates every Oligarchy— and to secure the blessings of liberty, in whose presence human bondage must cease. Early in the Convention, Gouverneur Morris broke forth in the language of an Abolitionist: He never would concur in upholding domestic Slavery. It was a nefarious institution. It was the curse of Heaven. In another mood, and with mild juridical phrase, Mr. Madison, himself a slaveholder, thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea of property in man. The discreditable words, Slave and Slavery, were not allowed to find a place in the instrument, while a clause was subsequently added by way of amendment, —and, t
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Twelfth: his character and fame. (search)
n to influence and urgency on my part. Of the influence I know nothing; but I deny positively any urgency. I spoke with the President on this subject once casually, on the stairs of the Executive mansion, and then again in a formal interview. And here, since the effort of the Secretary, I shall frankly state what I said and how it was introduced. I began by remarking that, with the permission of the President, I should venture to suggest the expediency of continuing Mr. Marsh in Italy, Mr. Morris at Constantinople, and Mr. Bancroft at Berlin, as all these exerted a peculiar influence and did honor to our country. To this list I proposed to add Dr. Howe of Greece, believing that he, too, would do honor to our country, and also Mr. Motley in London, who, I suggested, would have an influence there beyond his official position. The President said that nobody should be sent to London who was not right on the claims question, and he kindly explained to me what he meant by right. From
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Iii. (search)
n to influence and urgency on my part. Of the influence I know nothing; but I deny positively any urgency. I spoke with the President on this subject once casually, on the stairs of the Executive mansion, and then again in a formal interview. And here, since the effort of the Secretary, I shall frankly state what I said and how it was introduced. I began by remarking that, with the permission of the President, I should venture to suggest the expediency of continuing Mr. Marsh in Italy, Mr. Morris at Constantinople, and Mr. Bancroft at Berlin, as all these exerted a peculiar influence and did honor to our country. To this list I proposed to add Dr. Howe of Greece, believing that he, too, would do honor to our country, and also Mr. Motley in London, who, I suggested, would have an influence there beyond his official position. The President said that nobody should be sent to London who was not right on the claims question, and he kindly explained to me what he meant by right. From