Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Oliver P. Morton or search for Oliver P. Morton in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
sustained President Johnson, June 12. Mr. Dawes had taken the same position in a speech in the House, Feb 20, 1865. Among public men not in Congress, journalists and other leaders of public opinion, Sumner's cause found little support. Governor Morton of Indiana denounced it before the people, and took issue directly with the senator. Julian's Political Recollections, pp. 260-268. George W. Julian at once replied to Morton in the Indiana True Republican, and also in speeches. Governor Morton in the Indiana True Republican, and also in speeches. Governor Andrew of Massachusetts felt assured of the President's honesty of purpose, and advised co-operation with him. Letter to Sumner, November 21. At the Union Club in Boston, November 7, the Governor and Henry Ward Beecher had a spirited encounter with Sumner when Governor Parsons of Alabama was present to solicit a loan for that State. (Boston Commonwealth, November 25.) Governor Andrew, as his valedictory message in January, 1866, shows, was not in entire accord with Republican methods of reco
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
Great Britain still denied compensation for our just claims, our own country should be kept firm and constant in the attitude of justice. June 26. Works, vol. x. pp. 472-474. The Banks bill passed July 26, two days before the session closed, and was sent at once to the Senate, where Chandler undertook to force its passage, but in vain. Chandler, at the next session, undertook to carry a similar bill in the Senate, but was defeated in the attempt by Sumner, who was now assisted by Morton. (March 23 and 25, 1867, Congressional Globe, pp. 290, 328.) Sumner wrote to George Bemis, Dec. 12, 1866: You noticed the allusion to the neutrality laws in the President's message; bad enough. He seemed to invite the repeal. To-day I laid the subject before my committee. The feeling was strong to stand on the ancient ways. The prevailing idea was that we had better bury the bill in the committee room, and not call attention to it by a report. What took place was related by Sumner some m
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
g so closely on the recent Act, were discouraging and distracting, and they encountered the objection of being mere declarations of opinion, and not legislation. Morton spoke in favor of the provision for education, and Howe sustained the resolutions generally, and both contested the idea that the recent legislation was in any reer endeavored to engraft on this legislation the requirement of free schools, open to all without distinction of race or color; but though he found new allies in Morton and Cole, this effort failed by a tie vote, a majority of the Republican senators, however, sustaining him. March 16; Work;, vol. XI. pp. 146-163. He made anoable in the society of the capital. But all this was of no avail; he made no converts. None of the members of the committee,—Sumner, Fessenden, Cameron, Harlan, Morton, Patterson, or Casserly,— no senator, no one else in Washington, save Mr. Seward alone, saw anything to be gained by the purchase. The House of Representatives h
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
Anthony, who was in the chair, sent at once to Sumner a bit of paper with these words and his initials: That was a great speech. The leader in the Providence Journal, April 20, 1869, was presumably written by Senator Anthony, who was its editor as well as chief proprietor. It approved the speech as free from the spirit of hostility and revenge, and representing the views of the senators as well as public opinion. Fessenden was the first to approve; and he was followed by Sherman, Howard, Morton, Scott, Thurman, Casserly, Stockton, Chandler, and Warner. Fessenden and other senators, in personal congratulations and in public remarks, commended particularly its moderation and conciliatory spirit. New York Tribune, April 14; New York Times, April 14; New York Herald, April 14. The last named journal, May 3, reports an interview with the senator, in which he stated some incidents connected with the speech. The treaty was then rejected by a vote of fifty-four to one. The Senate of
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
ttee on foreign relations, the other members being Cameron, Harlan, Morton, Patterson, and Casserly. Sumner was also a member of two other cod dollars; The bill with a blank for the sum was introduced by Mr. Morton, and Sumner moved to fill it with the sum named. but his motions set up against them. Carpenter made an elaborate reply to Sumner, Morton, and Edmunds. He thought Sumner a vaulting logician, and asked himressional Globe, pp. 2425. 2426. He chafed under the charge made by Morton and Yates in the earlier debate on Mississippi as well as now by Sural opinion as far as indicated was against them, one senator only (Morton) saying anything in their favor. Sumner then expressed the hope th annexation. The minority, who were in favor of ratification, were Morton and Harlan. Ferry moved, with Sumner supporting him, that the trea Sumner completed his speech on the second day, and was followed by Morton, who maintained that the acquisition was desirable as the key to th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
rges, calling senators around him, and particularly Morton, to witness that never in executive sessions had heesident except in most respectful kindness,— asking Morton to repeat to the President what he (Morton) had saiMorton) had said the day before to him (Sumner) as to this allegation. Dec. 20, 1870, Congressional Globe, pp. 217, 218. Hss was not deemed to be in a mood to go so far, and Morton introduced a resolution on the sixth day of the sestook a recess till half-past 7 in the evening, when Morton replied to Sumner. He repelled the charge of usurpwere restless and noisy, gathering in a group about Morton's chair, so that once he took his seat, remarking ttter and the spirit. The assaults made upon you by Morton, Conkling, and Chandler excite equal disgust and in dined on the 23d at Mr. Fish's in company with Senator Morton. The day before, he had cordially assisted in n correct from the context. Yours very truly, O. P. Morton. While the Joint High Commission was in sess
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
Cameron, Chandler, Conkling, Frelinghuysen, Hamlin, Harlan, Morrill (Vermont). Morton, Sherman, Sumner, Wilson, and Windom. Among those voting no were Carpenter, Feise to most of the senators, and it arrested at once the attention of Conkling, Morton, and Edmunds. Sumner's opening was not thought equal to the occasion, lacking ing with satisfaction a division in the Republican ranks. Carpenter, Conkling, Morton, Harlan, Frelinghuysen, and Edmunds threw themselves into the debate with theirim that it was the greatest speech he had heard in the Senate for twenty years. Morton led in the debate that followed, and was called to order by the chair for sayinwere filled with distinguished visitors. On the floor Conkling, Carpenter, and Morton gathered in a group, sometimes seeking the lobby for freer conference. Conklinbeneficent act,—his veto of the inflation bill in 1874, against the counsels of Morton and Logan, and after he had once decided to approve it; J. R. Young's Around
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 18 (search)
, and on whom was it exercised? Was Mr. Seward approached in that way, and does this account for his losing heart in the project? Was Fessenden bought up by some German lobbyist? Did British gold find its way into Cameron's pockets? How were Morton, Patterson, Harlan, Casserly, and Sumner taken care of? One, without recurring to Horace (Nec deus intersit, etc.), ought to be wiser than to resort to such an unnatural explanation. The Danish negotiator, in his letters to Mr. Sumner and in was almost implicitly followed by it. He had indeed with the committee the weight which comes from a combination of perfect integrity, sound judgment, large experience, and technical knowledge; but the other members— Fessenden, Cameron, Harlan, Morton, Patterson, and Casserly—were not men naturally of his type, none of them antislavery leaders like himself, every one of them at times strongly differing from him. Mr. Fessenden was at that time antipathetic to him, and disposed to be critical of