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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 200 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 192 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 40 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 28 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 24 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Walcott Boynton, Reader's History of American Literature 19 1 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 12 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays 8 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Carlyle's laugh and other surprises 6 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 4 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for John Lothrop Motley or search for John Lothrop Motley in all documents.

Your search returned 12 results in 5 document sections:

addressed to the London Times, in the same year, 1861, on the Causes of the civil war, by John Lothrop Motley, afterward Minister to the Court of St. James. In this letter Motley says of the ConstitMotley says of the Constitution of the United States: It was not a compact. Who ever heard of a compact to which there were no parties? or who ever heard of a compact made by a single party with himself? Yet the name ofto condense a more amazing amount of audacious and reckless falsehood in the same space. In all Motley's array of bold assertions, there is not one single truth—unless it be, perhaps, that the Consti the people of the United States in the aggregate; Everett repeats substantially the same thing; Motley, taking a step further, says that it was ordained and established by a power superior to the Sta people of another state. The Constitution was established, not over the States, as asserted by Motley, but between the States, and only between the States so ratifying the same. Little Rhode Island
preparation and ratification would suffice. The language of the final article would have been quite enough: The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. This is not the language of a superior imposing a mandate upon subordinates. The consent of the contracting parties is necessary to its validity, and then it becomes not the acceptance and recognition of an authority over them—as Motley represents—but of a compact between them. The simple word between is incompatible with any other idea than that of a compact by independent parties. If it were possible that any doubt could still exist, there is one provision in the Constitution which stamps its character as a compact too plainly for cavil or question. The Constitution, which had already provided for the representation of the states in both houses of Congress, thereby bringing the matter of representation within the pow
e sovereignty of any government. There was no such surrender, no such transfer, in whole or in part, expressed or implied. They retained, and intended to retain, their sovereignty in its integrity—undivided and indivisible. But, indeed, says Motley, the words sovereign and sovereignty are purely inapplicable to the American system. In the Declaration of Independence the provinces declare themselves free and independent States, but the men of those days knew that the word sovereign was a teno meaning for us. We have seen that, in the very front of their Articles of Confederation, they set forth the conspicuous declaration that each state retained its sovereignty, freedom, and independence. Massachusetts—the state, I believe, of Motley's nativity and citizenship—in her original constitution, drawn up by men of those days, made this declaration: The people inhabiting the territory formerly called the Province of Massachusetts Bay do hereby solemnly and mutually agree with ea<
n expressly declared, would have been a necessary deduction from the acceptance of the Constitution itself, has been magnified and perverted into a meaning and purpose entirely foreign to that which plain interpretation is sufficient to discern. Motley thus dilates on the subject: Could language be more imperial? Could the claim to State sovereignty be more completely disposed of at a word? How can that be sovereign, acknowledging no superior, supreme, which has voluntarily accepted a supreme law from something which it acknowledges as superior? Rebellion Record, Vol. I, Documents, p. 213. The mistake which Motley—like other writers of the same school— makes is one which is disposed of by a very simple correction. The states, which ordained and established the Constitution, accepted nothing besides what they themselves prescribe. They acknowledged no superior. The supremacy was both in degree and extent only that which was delegated by the states to their common agent.
tion of officers, 197. Moore, Dr. L. P. Surgeon general of Confederacy, 268-69. Morehead, —, 344. Morgan, John H., 342, 351. Morris, Gouverneur, 117, 123. Proposed method of presidential election, 135-36. Island, 243. Motley, John Lothrop, 112, 113, 119. Extract from letter to London times, 110-11. Remarks on sovereignty, 121-22, 127. Munford, Col. George W., 231. Extract from letter of Judge Campbell, 232, 233. Musser, Col. R. H., 369. Myers, Col. A. C. Quar182-83. Position and action concerning Fort Sumter, 250-53, 540-41. Combination to be suppressed, 278. Nullification of tariff act of 1828, 430. Southern forts. Evacuation urged, 242-43. Sovereignty. Definition, 120-21. Remarks of Motley, 121-22, 127. Remarks of Madison, 122. Remarks of Hamilton, 122. Remarks of Wilson, 123. Definition by Vattel, 123. Relation to Tenth Amendment, 124-132. Remarks on sovereignty, 128-29. Extracts from essays by Hamilton, 137-38. Extracts f