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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 124 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 92 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 72 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 44 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 35 1 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 32 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 28 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 20 0 Browse Search
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters 10 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 10 0 Browse Search
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III. Slavery in the Revolution. the American Revolution was no sudden outbreak. It was preceded by eleven years of peaceful remonstrance and animated discussion. The vital question concerned the right of the British Parliament to impose taxes, at its discretion, on British subjects in any and every part of the empire. This question presented many phases, and prompted various acts and propositions. But its essence was always the same; and it was impossible that such men as James Otis, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and Patrick Henry, should discuss it without laying broad foundations for their argument in premises affecting the natural and general Rights of Man to self-government, with the control of his own products or earnings. The enthusiast who imagines that our patriots were all convinced of the danger and essential iniquity of Slavery, and the conservative who argues that few or none perceived and admitted the direct application of their logic to the case of men held in
e of the term, form a full, unreserved, and practical Union of the people, intended by themselves to be perpetual? Did they not, as perfectly as any people ever did, constitute and declare themselves a single and undivided Nation? Is there in all history an instance of such a union among a people who did not feel themselves to be, in every important particular, the same people? Why, even before the Union was a fact in history, the feeling in the North in reference to it was expressed by James Otis, one of the leading patriots of Massachusetts, in the Convention of 1765, in the hope that a Union would be formed, which should knit and work together into the very blood and bones of the original system every region as fast as settled; and from distant South Carolina, great-hearted Christopher Gadsden answered back--There ought to be no New England man, no New Yorker, known on the continent, but all of us Americans. And in the very hour of the Union's birth-throes Patrick Henry flashed
ance of so unnatural, so causeless, so wanton, so wicked a rebellion. The patriot leaders were called calves, knaves, and fools; self-interested and profligate men; the Boston saints. The merchants form a part of those seditious herds of fools and knaves; and the generality of young Bostonians are bred up hypocrites in religion, and pettifoggers in law. Such were the words and arguments of the Tories against the cause of their country. No wonder that such abuse should stir the blood of James Otis and John Adams. The great question was now fairly brought before the country and the world; and there was left but one course for patriotism to pursue,--which was, to fight for liberty and independence. Our fathers met the issue; and the great results are now shaking Europe to its very centre. It is not necessary to say more here to introduce the topic under remark. Medford had a very small number of Tories; but they should have historical notice at our hands. Curwen says:-- Of
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Adams, John, 1735- (search)
er was in moderate circumstances — a selectman and a farmer. Beginning the profession of law in Braintree in 1758, he soon acquired a good practice; and, when he was twenty-nine years of age, he married Abigail Smith, an accomplished woman possessed of great common-sense. His first appearance in the political arena was as author of Instructions of the town of Braintree to its Representatives on the subject of the Stamp act, which was adopted by over forty towns. Associated with Gridley and Otis in supporting a memorial addressed to the governor and council, praying that the courts might proceed without the use of stamps, Adams opened the case by declaring that the Stamp Act was void, as Parliament had no right to make such a law. He began early to write political essays for the newspapers; and. in 1768, he went to Boston, when the town was greatly excited by political disturbances. There he was counsel for Captain Preston in the case of the Boston massacre (see Boston), and in the
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Adams, Samuel, 1722-1803 (search)
reply exactly as it should be given. He assented, when Adams, rising from his chair and assuming a determined manner, said, after repeating the historical words already quoted, No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated people. Protest against taxation. On May 24, 1764, Samuel Adams addressed the following protest to Royal Tyler, James Otis. Thomas Cushing, and Oxenbridge Thacher: Gentlemen,--Your being chosen by the freeholders and inhabitants of the town of Boston to represent them in the General Assembly the ensuing year affords you the strongest testimony of that confidence which they place in your integrity and capacity. By this choice they have delegated to you the power of acting in their public concerns in general as your own prudence shall direct you, always reserving to themselves the constitutional right of
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Declaration of Independence in the light of modern criticism, the. (search)
ned in the declaration of rights and the violation of those rights, in the journals of Congress, in 1774. Indeed, the essence of it is contained in a pamphlet, voted and printed by the town of Boston, before the first Congress met, composed by James Otis, as I suppose, in one of his lucid intervals, and pruned and polished by Samuel Adams. Perhaps nowhere in our literature would it be possible to find a criticism brought forward by a really able man against any piece of writing less applicn recently put into writing by his old comrade, to the effect that the Declaration of Independence contained no new ideas, that it is a commonplace compilation, its sentences hackneyed in Congress for two years before, and its essence contained in Otis's pamphlet, Jefferson quietly remarked that perhaps these statements might all be true: of that I am not to be the judge. . . . Whether I had gathered my ideas from reading or reflection, I do not know. I only know that I turned to neither book n
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Depew, Chauncey Mitchell, 1834- (search)
own their allegiance to the central government increased their confidence in their respective colonies, and their faith in liberty was largely dependent upon the maintenance of the sovereignty of their several States. The farmers' shot at Lexington echoed round the world, the spirit which it awakened from its slumbers could do and dare and die, but it had not yet discovered the secret of the permanence and progress of free institutions. Patrick Henry thundered in the Virginia convention; James Otis spoke with trumpet tongue and fervid eloquence for united action in Massachusetts; Hamilton, Jay, and Clinton pledged New York to respond with men and money for the common cause; but their vision only saw a league of independent colonies. The veil was not yet drawn from before the vista of population and power, of empire and liberty, which would open with national union. The Continental Congress partially grasped, but completely expressed, the central idea of the American republic. Mo
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Edes, Benjamin, 1732-1803 (search)
Edes, Benjamin, 1732-1803 Journalist; born in Charlestown, Mass., Oct. 14, 1732; captain of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company in 1760, and one of the Boston Sons of Liberty. In his printingoffice many of the tea-party disguised themselves, and were there regaled with punch after the exploit at the wharf was performed. He began, with Mr. Gill, in 1755, the publication of the Boston Gazette and country journal, which became a very popular newspaper, and did eminent service in the cause of popular liberty. Adams, Hancock, Otis, Quincy, Warren, and other leading spirits were constant contributors to its columns, while Mr. Edes himself wielded a caustic pen. He was in Watertown during the siege of Boston, from which place he issued the Gazette, the mouth-piece of the Whigs. It was discontinued in 1798, after a life, sustained by Edes, of forty years. He died in Boston, Dec. 11, 1803.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Everett, Edward, 1794-1865 (search)
y man, unexceptionally administered, and under which the people have been prosperous beyond comparison with any other people whose career has been recorded in history, rebelled against it because their aspiring politicians, himself among the rest, were in danger of losing their monopoly of its offices. What would have been thought by an impartial posterity of the American rebellion against George III. if the colonists had at all times been more than equally represented in Parliament, and James Otis and Patrick Henry and Washington and Franklin and the Adamses and Hancock and Jefferson, and men of their stamp, had for two generations enjoyed the confidence of the sovereign and administered the government of the empire? What would have been thought of the rebellion against Charles I. if Cromwell and the men of his school had been the responsible advisers of that prince from his accession to the throne, and then, on account of a partial change in the ministry, had brought his head to
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Funston, Frederick 1865- (search)
ed in their army for a year and a half. At the beginning of the war with Spain he was commissioned colonel of the 20th Kansas Volunteers, which he accompanied to the Philippines, where he subsequently made an exceptionally brilliant record. On March 31, 1899, he was the first man to enter Malolos, the Filipino insurgents' capital. On May 2, 1899, President McKinley promoted him to brigadiergeneral in the newly organized volunteer service, on the recommendation of Frederick Funston. Generals Otis and MacArthur, for signal skill and gallantry in swimming across the Rio Grande at Calumpit in the face of a heavy fire from the insurgents, and establishing a rope ferry by means of which the American troops were enabled to make a crossing and to successfully engage the insurgents. On May 2, 1900, while making a personal reconnoissance up the Rio Grande de la Pampanga he discovered a perpendicular ladder leading up a cliff crowned with a dense forest. Beside the ladder hung a rope whi
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