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e Act, in which he said: The sun of liberty is set. The obnoxious Act, headed Folly of England and Ruin of America, was contemptuously hawked through the streets. The merchants of New York, inspired then by Liberty, resolved to import no more goods from England until the repeal of the Act; and their example was followed shortly afterwards by the merchants of Philadelphia and Boston. Bodies of patriots were organized everywhere under the name of Sons of Liberty. The orators also spoke. James Otis with fiery tongue appealed to Magna Charta. Of all the States, Virginia—whose shield bears the image of liberty trampling upon chains—first declared herself by solemn resolutions, which the timid thought treasonable; but which soon found a response. New York followed. Massachusetts came next, speaking by the pen of the inflexible Samuel Adams. In an Address from the Legislature to the Governor, the true grounds of opposition to the Stamp Act, coincident with the two radical objection
Many of her justices of the peace surrendered their commissions rather than aid in the enforcement of the law, or be instrumental in the overthrow of their country's liberties. As the opposition deepened, its natural tendency was to outbreak and violence. But this was carefully restrained. On one occasion in Boston it showed itself in the lawlessness of a mob. But the town, at a public meeting in Faneuil Hall, called without delay on the motion of the opponents of the Stamp Act, with James Otis as chairman, condemned the outrage. Eager in hostility to the execution of the Act, Boston cherished municipal order, and constantly discountenanced all tumult, violence, and illegal proceedings. Her equal devotion to these two objects drew the praises and congratulations of other towns. In reply, March 27th, 1766, to an Address from the inhabitants of Plymouth, her own consciousness of duty done is thus expressed: If the inhabitants of Boston have taken the legal and warrantable
fies all, and without which all is dark and sterile. The moving cause and the animating soul of our party, is the idea of Freedom. But this idea is manifold in character and influence. It is the idea of the Declaration of Independence. It is the great idea of the founders of the Republic. It is the idea which combined our Fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill; which carried Washington through a seven years war; which inspired Lafayette; which touched with coals of fire the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea, which is at least noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train virtue, goodness, and all the charities of life, all that makes earth a home of improvement and happiness— Her track, where'er the goddess roves, Glory pursues, and generous shame, The unconquerable mind and Freedom's holy flame. Thus do all objections disappear, even as the mists of morning before the sun, rejoicing like a strong man to run his race. The Republican par
law I put myself upon God and the country, and claim the same trial for my honored Commonwealth. So far as the arraignment touches me personally, I hardly care to speak. In response for Massachusetts, there are other things. Something surely must be pardoned to her history. In Massachusetts stands Boston. In Boston stands Faneuil Hall, where, throughout the perils which preceded the Revolution, our patriot fathers assembled to vow themselves to Freedom. Here in those days, spoke James Otis, full of the thought that the people's safety is the law of God. Here, also, spoke Joseph Warren, inspired by the sentiment that death with all its tortures is preferable to Slavery. And here, also, thundered John Adams, fervid with the conviction that consenting to Slavery is a sacrilegious breach of trust. Not far from this venerable Hall—between this temple of freedom and the very court-house, to which the Senator [Mr. Jones] has referred—is the street, where, in 1770, the first bloo
b, of a most formidable character, even as is now charged. Liberty, in her struggles, is too often driven to force. But the town, at a public meeting in Faneuil Hall, called without delay, on the motion of the opponents of the Stamp Act, with James Otis as Chairman, condemned the outrage. Eager in hostility to the execution of the Act, Boston cherished municipal order, and constantly discountenanced all tumult, violence and illegal proceedings. On these two grounds she then stood; and her poe entire concurrence of the merchants, and especially a remonstrance against the Stamp Act by the merchants of New York, like that now made against the Slave Act by the merchants of Boston. Some sought at first only for its modification. Even James Otis began with this moderate aim. The King himself showed a disposition to yield to this extent. But Franklin, who was then in England, when asked whether the Colonies would submit to the Act, if mitigated in certain particulars, replied: No, neve
all over with the scars of nullification, and first lecture there. Ay, sir, let him look into his own heart, and lecture to himself. But enough for the present on the extent of my constitutional obligations to become a Slave-hunter. There are, however, yet other things in the assault of the venerable Senator, which, for the sake of truth, in just defence of Massachusetts, and in honor of Freedom, shall not be left unanswered. Alluding to those days when Massachusetts was illustrated by Otis, Hancock, and the brace of Adamses; when Faneuil Hall sent forth echoes of liberty which resounded even to South Carolina, and the very stones in the streets of Boston rose in mutiny against tyranny, the Senator with the silver-white locks, in the very ecstasy of Slavery, broke forth in the ejaculation that Massachusetts was then slaveholding; and he presumed to hail these patriots as representatives of hardy, slaveholding Massachusetts. Sir, I repel the imputation. It is true that Massachu
st recorded burial is that of a child of James Boyd, of Roxbury, July 6, 1832, on Mountain Avenue; the second, that of Mrs. Hastings, July 12, 1832, on the same avenue. On elevated ground, not far distant from the gateway, stands a chapel made of granite, of Gothic design. Within are marble statues, in a sitting position, of the late Judge Story, and of John Winthrop, the first governor of Massachusetts. Two others standing, of John Adams, the second president of the United States, and James Otis, the patriot. The Sphinx, the Egyptian symbol of might and intelligence, was erected in 1872, and fronts the chapel. It is a massive monument, recalling our civil war by its inscription,— American Union preserved American Slavery destroyed by the uprising of a great people by the blood of fallen heroes The gateway to the cemetery is built of Quincy granite, the design being taken from the entrance to an Egyptian temple. It bears the following in bold raised letters:— Then shal
t on the 30th. On the 30th Bishop Fenwick, the Rev. John B. Fitzpatrick, and Rev. P. Byrne met with them; they were encouraged to pursue the work so well begun, and Father Fitzpatrick was assigned to assist them and to become their pastor. Messrs. Southwick, Gleeson, John W. Loring, Lawrence B. Watts, and James Casey were appointed a building committee, and Messrs. Southwick, Loring, and Gleeson a committee to select and secure a site. A lot on the easterly side of Fourth Street, near to Otis, was secured, and, at a meeting held on February 20, it was voted that the name of St. John's Church be given to the structure to be erected. On March 19 the deed of a lot of land seventy by one hundred feet from Amos Binney to Bishop Fenwick was passed. The building committee commenced and vigorously prosecuted their work, so that services were held in the basement October 9, by Father Fitzpatrick. On September 3, 1843, the structure, being complete, was dedicated by the bishop. Father
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.), Chapter 2: the historians, 1607-1783 (search)
son published the first volume of his History of the colony of Massachusetts Bay. The second was in preparation when the Stamp Act mob destroyed the house of the author. Among the debris recovered from the streets was the soiled manuscript of this volume. It was completed and published in 1767. The third volume was not written until the governor had taken up his residence in London, and it was not published until 1828. Hutchinson's History is not faultless. He was bitterly denounced by Otis and Samuel Adams, and he did not show an ability to appreciate them. He left untouched some important phases of Massachusetts history, and was indifferent to social and industrial changes. In spite of these faults, for which excuses can be made, he was the best American historian of his time. He treated narrative history in a philosophical manner and wrote simple and natural sentences whose charm endures to this day. After he left our shore many a year passed before we had a historian who
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.), Chapter 8: American political writing, 1760-1789 (search)
-eminence of American political literature. James Otis. the Stamp Act controversy. the Stamp Act r, and more fully written out many years later, Otis challenged the writs as the worst instrument of. . An act against the constitution is void. Otis could impede, but he could not defeat, the applone pervadingly judicial rather than partisan, Otis argued the case for the colonies, appealing as m, till they will be pleased to relieve us. Otis voiced effectively the first impulse of thoughterican (1764). Thacher was a fellow townsman of Otis, and the two had been associated in the case of the writs of assistance. Like Otis, Thacher's legal argument closes with a strong profession of loof Great-Britain? Such reasoning as that of Otis, Thacher, and Hopkins, however convincing to thalifax, to his Friend in Rhode-Island, to which Otis responded with Brief remarks on the defence of without the discursiveness and extravagance of Otis or the intellectual and religious bias of John [5 more...]
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