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Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2., Farragut's demands for the surrender of New Orleans. (search)
This conversation, which was quite informal, did not at the time assume in my estimation the importance lent to it by subsequent events which occurred after I left the city as bearer of dispatches to President Davis at Richmond. In the excitement of the next few hours and the anomalous multiplication of my duties, it is possible that I may have even neglected to report it to the mayor, but it is certain that the impression obtained at the City Hall that the act was entirely unauthorized. Parton, whose account of the capture of the city is, in some respects, very incorrect, and who makes the tearing down of the United States flag from the Mint occur on Sunday the 27th, instead of Saturday the 26th, as shown by the record, says that General Butler arrived a few hours after that event, to share in the exasperation of the fleet and the councils of its chief. It was Butler, according to this historian, who advised the threat to bombard, and the order for the removal of the women and ch
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 12: operations on the coasts of the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico. (search)
p Island they amounted to only thirteen thousand seven hundred. Of these, five hundred and eighty were artillerymen and two hundred and seventy-five were cavalry. On the day after receiving his instructions, General Butler left Washington and hastened to Fortress Monroe. To Mr. Lincoln he said, Good-bye, Mr. President; we shall take New Orleans or you'll never see me again ; and with the assurance of Secretary Stanton, that The man who takes New Orleans is made a lieutenant-general, Parton's General Butler in New Orleans, page 194. Butler embarked at Hampton Roads, Feb. 25, 1862. accompanied by his wife, his staff, and fourteen hundred troops, in the fine steamship Mississippi. Fearful perils were encountered on the North Carolina coast, and vexatious delay at Port Royal; The captain of the Mississippi appears to have been utterly incompetent. On the night after leaving Hampton Roads, he ran his vessel on a shoal off Hatteras Inlet, and barely escaped wrecking. On the fo
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 13: the capture of New Orleans. (search)
ico, to fall into the hands of the conquerors who speedily came. Parton's Butler in, Yew Crleans, page 264. On his way to New Orleans, ifty thousand women and children can be impudent if they please. Parton's Butler in New Orleans, page 274. To the insolence of the Mayon strangers, played by a band on the balcony of the St. Charles. Parton's Butler in New Orleans, page 285. Within twenty-four hours aftlaws of all nations, lies subject to the will of the conquerors. Parton's Butler in New Orleans, page 295. In accordance with this docthe foolish women recovered their senses through its operation; Mr. Parton says that one of the women--a very fine lady --who lost her sensend in the pulpit — it is not our province here to consider. In Mr. Parton's work, which has been so frequently referred to, and whose full gree, in honest opinion, with the verdict of a competent historian (Parton), that each of the paragraphs of Jefferson Davis's proclamation whi
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 20: events West of the Mississippi and in Middle Tennessee. (search)
n, the number of Union votes in the city exceeding by a thousand the number of votes cast for secession. General Butler was superseded in the command of the Department of the Gulf late in the autumn Nov 9. by General Banks. The latter arrived at New Orleans on the 14th of December, and was received by the commanding general with great courtesy. Banks formally assumed his new duties on the 16th, and on the 24th, Butler, after issuing an admirable farewell address to the citizens, See Parton's Butler in New Orleans, page 603. embarked in a steamer for New York. His administration had been marked by great vigor and justice, as the friend and defender of the loyal and the oppressed, and the uncompromising foe of the rebellious. General Butler found a large portion of the wealthier and more influential of the inhabitants of New Orleans, native and foreign, bitterly hostile to, the Government. He also found that, in consequence of their rebellion, there was wide-spread distress
n the following day, made no allusion to the impending peril of civil convulsion and war. One week later, however, the country was electrified by the appearance of the famous Proclamation, wherein the President's stern resolve to crush Nullification as Treason was fully manifested. And, though this document received its final fashion and polish from the pen of the able and eminent Edward Livingston, who then worthily filled the post of Secretary of State, it is abundantly established See Parton's Life of Jackson, pp. 455-6. that the original draft was the President's own, and that he insisted throughout on expressing and enforcing his own sentiments and convictions. The language may in part be Livingston's; the positions and the principles are wholly Jackson's; and their condemnation of the Calhoun or South Carolina theory of the nature, genius, and limitations of our Federal pact, are as decided and sweeping as any ever propounded by Hamilton, by Marshall, or by Webster himself.
es connected Annapolis with the Baltimore and Washington Railroad. By this route, Washington could be reached without touching Baltimore. It was a flank movement; and the honor of suggesting and making it successful belongs to Samuel M. Felton, Esq. The honors due him for this service can only be measured by the important ends which it accomplished. General Butler was in Philadelphia with the Eighth. His orders were to march to Washington by way of Baltimore. That was now impossible. Mr. Parton, in his Life of General Butler, says,— On this evening, at Philadelphia, there was telegraphing to the Governor of Massachusetts; there were consultations with Commodore Dupont, commandant of the navy yard; there were interviews with Mr. Felton, President of the Philadelphia and Baltimore Railroad,— a son of Massachusetts, full of patriotic zeal, and prompt with needful advice and help; there was poring over maps and gazetteers. Meanwhile, Colonel A. J. Butler was out in the street
le of the Constitution, and marked it in quotation to call attention to the difference. It appears by this, that General Butler carefully used the title of the Constitution, and marked it in quotation to call attention to the difference. Mr. Parton, in his Life of General Butler, says,— The person who made the copy sent to the Governor, with perverse uniformity, placed inverted commas before and after those words (His Excellency), as if to intimate that the author of the letter used. When, at length, the General was made acquainted with the insertion, he was not in a humor to give a complete explanation; nor, indeed, is it a custom with him to get out of a scrape by casting blame upon a subordinate. This information, Mr. Parton says, he received from a confidential member of General Butler's staff, the late General Strong, who was killed at Fort Wagner. This letter appears to have closed the controversy regarding the letter of Oct. 12; but it introduced a new eleme
found the Secretary — a short, plump oily little man in black, with a keen black eye, a Jew face, a yellow skin, curly black hair, closely trimmed black whiskers, and a ponderous gold watch-chain — in the north-west room of the United States Custom House. Over the door of this room were the words, State Department, and round its walls were hung a few maps and battle-plans. In one corner was a tier of shelves filled with books, among which I noticed Headley's, History, Lossing's Pictorial, Parton's Butler, Greeley's American conflict, a set of Frank Moore's Rebellion record, and a dozen numbers and several bound volumes of the Atlantic Monthly, and in the centre of the apartment was a black-walnut table, covered with green cloth, and filled with a multitude of state papers. At this table sat the Secretary. He rose as we entered, and, as Judge Ould introduced us, took our hands, and said: I am glad, very glad, to meet you, gentlemen. I have read your note, and --bowing to me-
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 23: period of reconstruction (search)
ew Johnson, and in this event that the cabinet would necessarily be reorganized. This gave rise to much speculation as to its probable composition. Many names were discussed in the Sun, but that of Horace Greeley was counted as the first. In presenting it on April 30th, Dana used the following language: Of Mr. Greeley's capacity for the office of Secretary of State, the Republican party can have no manner of doubt since his famous letter to the blockheads of the Union League. See Parton, Life of Horace Greeley, p. 515. He has the advantage of Mr. Seward that he can be brief and forcible. Mr. Greeley's political record is without reproach. It will be remembered that from the time Dana left the Chicago Republican till he took charge of the Sun he contributed to no public journal, and took no public part in shaping national policies, but he was an observant spectator of both national and international events. From the end of the Civil War, and before the volunteer army w
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 3: Thurlow Weed's discovery-the Jeffersonian and the Log Cabin (search)
implore you to do us justice, and enable us to do the same. Greeley was never a good business man, and it would have required a man of extraordinary business, as well as literary, ability to do the work he did in New York city and Albany from 1838 to 1841, with two journals almost constantly on his hands, and taking an active part in committee work, making speeches, and receiving the hundreds of people who came to him with suggestions or for advice. In illustration of his business methods Parton relates that, one spring day, after getting the mail from the post-office, Greeley put it into his overcoat pocket, forgot all about it, and left his coat hanging on the peg until autumn, when he had occasion to use it again. Then he discovered the letters containing enclosures about which the writers had been for months inquiring in vain. His partners who, he says, were no help to me, withdrew, one after another. But the Log Cabin did afford some pecuniary aid, and he wrote to Weed in Ja
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