ion of what we do. We have had abundant experience of our own by which to reckon.
Hardly any fact in history, says Mr. Bagehot, writing about the middle of the century, is so incredible as that forty and a few years ago England was ruled by Mr. Perceval.
It seems almost the same as being ruled by the Record newspaper.
（Mr. Bagehot would now probably say the Standard newspaper.) He had the same poorness of thought, the same petty conservatism, the same dark and narrow superstition.
The merell that is fanciful, unreal, and misleading in politics.
To be ruled by him was like taking an account of life from Mr. Rider Haggard.
And yet there is still much sympathy in this timid world for the dull people who felt safe in the hands of Mr. Perceval, and, happily, much sympathy also, though little justification, for such as caught a generous elevation of spirit from the speculative enthusiasm of Rousseau.
For us who stand in the dusty matterof-fact world of to-day, there is a touch of
e independent States of the Union, with Button Gwinnett (q. v.), one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, as acting governor.
Under the King's charter for planting the new colony, there were twenty-one trustees.
Lord (Viscount) Perceval was chosen president of the trustees, and a code of regulations for the colony, with agreements and stipulations, was speedily prepared.
The title of the association was, Trustees for Settling and Establishing the Colony of Georgia.
The trustees were: Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, John (Lord) Perceval, Edward Digby, George Carpenter, James Edward Oglethorpe, George Heathcote, Thomas Tower, Robert Moore, Robert Hucks, Roger Holland, William Sloper, Francis Eyles, John La Roche, James Vernon, William Beletha, John Burton, Richard Bundy, Arthur Beaford, Samuel Smith, Adam Anderson, and Thomas Coram.
They were vested with legislative powers for the government of the colony, for the space of twenty-one years, at the expiration of which t