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Browsing named entities in Aristotle, Politics. You can also browse the collection for Carthage (Tunisia) or search for Carthage (Tunisia) in all documents.

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Aristotle, Politics, Book 2, section 1272b (search)
aded by warfare from abroad, rendering manifest the weakness of the legal system there.Let this suffice for our discussion of this form of constitution.Carthage also appears to have a good constitution, with many outstanding features as compared with those of other nations, but most nearly resembling the Sparta. For these three constitutions are in a way near to one another and are widely different from the others—the Cretan, the Spartan and, thirdly, that of Carthage. Many regulations at Carthage are good; and a proof of a well-regulated constitution is that the populace willingly remain faithful to the constitutionCarthage are good; and a proof of a well-regulated constitution is that the populace willingly remain faithful to the constitutional system, and that neither civil strife has arisen in any degree worth mentioning, nor yet a tyrant.Points in which the Carthaginian constitution resembles the Spartan are the common mess-tables of its Comradeships corresponding to the Phiditia, and the magistracy of the Hundred and Four corresponding to the E
Aristotle, Politics, Book 2, section 1273a (search)
racy in the direction of oligarchy most signally in respect of a certain idea that is shared by the mass of mankind; they think that the rulers should be chosen not only for their merit but also for their wealth, as it is not possible for a poor man to govern well or to have leisure for his duties. If therefore election by wealth is oligarchical and election by merit aristocratic, this will be a third system exhibited in the organization of the constitution of Carthage, for there elections are made with an eye to these two qualifications, and especially elections to the most important offices, those of the kings and of the generals. But it must be held that this divergence from aristocracy is an error on the part of a lawgiver; for one of the most important points to keep in view from the outset is that the best citizens may be able to have leisure and may not have to engage in any unseemly occupation, not only when in office
Aristotle, Politics, Book 2, section 1273b (search)
but an inferior person when he has spent money to get elected should not want to. Hence the persons who should be in office are those most capable of holding office. And even if the lawgiver neglected to secure comfortable means for respectable people, it would at all events be better that he should provide for their leisure while in office.And it might also be thought a bad thing for the same person to hold several offices, which is considered a distinction at Carthage. One man one job is the best rule for efficiency, and the lawgiver ought to see that this may be secured, and not appoint the same man to play the flute and make shoes. Hence except in a small city it is more statesmanlike for a larger number to share in the offices and more democratic, for it is fairer to all, as we said, and also functions are performed better and more quickly when separate than by the same people. This is clear in military and naval matters;
Aristotle, Politics, Book 3, section 1275b (search)
body of common citizens, and they do not have the custom of a popular assembly but councils of specially convened members, and the office of trying law-suits goes by sections—for example at Sparta suits for breach of contract are tried by different ephors in different cases, while cases of homicide are tried by the ephors and doubtless other suits by some other magistrate. The same method is notThe negative is a conjectural insertion, cf. 1273a 20. followed at Carthage, where certain magistrates judge all the law-suits. But still, our definition of a citizen admits of correction. For under the other forms of constitution a member of the assembly and of a jury-court is not ‘an official’ without restriction, but an official defined according to his office; either all of them or some among them are assigned deliberative and judicial duties either in all matters or in certain matters. What constitutes a citizen is therefore <
Aristotle, Politics, Book 4, section 1293b (search)
constitutional government, inasmuch as in them they elect the officials not only by wealth but also by goodness; this form of constitution differs from both and is called aristocratic. For even in the states that do not pay any public attention to virtue there are nevertheless some men that are held in high esteem and are thought worthy of respect. Where then the constitution takes in view wealth and virtue as well as the common people, as for instance at Carthage, this is of the nature of an aristocracy; and so also are the states, in which the constitution, like that of Sparta, takes in view two of these things only, virtue and the common people, and there is a mingling of these two factors, democracy and virtue. These then are two kinds of aristocracy beside the first, which is the best constitution,and a third kind is those instances of what is called constitutional government that incline more in the direction of o
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1307a (search)
for some men being in distress because of the war put forward a claim to carry out a re-division of the land of the country). Also if a man is great and capable of being yet greater, he stirs up faction in order that he may be sole ruler (as Pausanias who commanded the army through the Persian war seems to have done at Sparta, and HannoPerhaps Hanno who fought in Sicily against the elder Dionysius circa 4OO B.C. at Carthage).But the actual overthrow of both constitutional governments and aristocracies is mostly due to a departure from justice in the actual framework of the constitution. For what starts it in the case of a constitutional government is that it does not contain a good blend of democracy and oligarchy; and in the case of an aristocracy it is the lack of a good blend of those two elements and of virtue, but chiefly of the two elements (I mean popular government and oligarchy), for both constit
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1316a (search)
he process would be continuous and a circle, but as a matter of fact tyranny also changes into tyranny, as the constitution of SicyonSee 1315b 13 n. passed from the tyranny of Myron to that of Cleisthenes, and into oligarchy, as did that of AntileonUnknown, cf. 1304a 29 n. at Chalcis, and into democracy, as that of the family of GeloSee 1302b 33 n. at Syracuse, and into aristocracy, as that of CharilausSee 1271b 26 n. at Sparta [and as at Carthage].This clause seems an interpolation; cf. b 6. And constitutions change from oligarchy to tyranny, as did almost the greatest number of the ancient oligarchies in Sicily, at Leontini to the tyranny of Panaetius,See 1310b 29 n. at Gelo to that of Cleander, at Rhegium to that of Anaxilaus,Unknown. Reggio is related to Sicily as Dover is to France. and in many other cities similarly. And it is also a strange idea that revolutions into oligarchy t
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1316b (search)
but not because owners of much more than the average amount of property think it unjust for those who do not own any property to have an equal share in the state with those who do; and in many oligarchies those in office are not allowed to engage in business, but there are laws preventing it, whereas in Carthage, which has a democratic government,Apparently this clause also is an interpolation, or ‘democratic’ is a copyist's mistake for ‘oligarchic’ or ‘timocratic,’ see 1272b 24 ff. the magistrates go in for business, and they have not yet had a revolution. And it is also a strange remark Plat. Rep. 551d that the oligarchical state is two states, one of rich men and one of poor men. For what has happened to this state rather than to the Spartan or any other sort of state where all do not own an equal amount of wealth or where all are not equally good men? and when nobody has become poorer than he was befor
Aristotle, Politics, Book 7, section 1324b (search)
t, that object is in all cases power, as in Sparta and Crete both the system of education and the mass of the laws are framed in the main with a view to war; and also among all the non-Hellenic nations that are strong enough to expand at the expense of others, military strength has been held in honor, for example, among the Scythians, Persians, Thracians and Celts. Indeed among some peoples there are even certain laws stimulating military valor; for instance at Carthage, we are told, warriors receive the decoration of armlets of the same number as the campaigns on which they have served; and at one time there was also a law in Macedonia that a man who had never killed an enemy must wear his halter instead of a belt. Among Scythian tribes at a certain festival a cup was carried round from which a man that had not killed an enemy was not allowed to drink. Among the Iberians, a warlike race, they fix small spitsOr perhaps ‘pointed