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Vitruvius Pollio, The Ten Books on Architecture (ed. Morris Hicky Morgan) 28 0 Browse Search
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Xenophon, Anabasis (ed. Carleton L. Brownson) 10 0 Browse Search
Xenophon, Minor Works (ed. E. C. Marchant, G. W. Bowersock, tr. Constitution of the Athenians.) 4 0 Browse Search
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Apollodorus, Library and Epitome (ed. Sir James George Frazer) 2 0 Browse Search
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Andocides, Against Alcibiades, section 30 (search)
Then again, look at the arrangements which he made for his stay at Olympia as a whole. For Alcibiades the people of Ephesus erected a Persian pavilion twice as large as that of our official deputation: Chios furnished him with beasts for sacrifice and with fodder for his horses: while he requisitioned wine and everything else necessary for his maintenance from Lesbos. And so lucky is he that although the Greek people at large can testify to his lawlessness and corruption, he has gone unpunished. While those who hold office within a single city have to render account of that office,
Apollodorus, Library (ed. Sir James George Frazer), book 2 (search)
Trach. 252ff., was only one year; but Herodorus, cited by the Scholiast on Soph. Tr. 253, says that it was three years, which agrees with the statement of Apollodorus. daughter of Iardanes, queen of Lydia, to whom at his death her husband Tmolus had bequeathed the government. Eurytus did not accept the compensation when it was presented to him, but Hercules served Omphale as a slave, and in the course of his servitude he seized and bound the Cercopes at Ephesus;As to the Cercopes, see Diod. 4.31.7; Nonnus, in Mythographi Graeci, ed. A. Westermann, Appendix Narrationum, 39, p. 375; Tzetzes, Chiliades ii.431, v.73ff.; Zenobius, Cent. v.10; Apostolius, Cent. xi.19. These malefactors were two in number. Herakles is said to have carried them hanging with their heads downward from a pole. They are so represented in Greek art. See W. H. Roscher, Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii.1166ff. The na
Apollodorus, Epitome (ed. Sir James George Frazer), book E (search)
es in front of the plough, whereupon the father at once checked the plough and betrayed his sanity. However, Lucian agrees with Apollodorus in saying that Palamedes threatened the child with his sword, though at the same time, by mentioning the unlike animals yoked together, he shows that he had the scene of the ploughing in his mind. His description purports to be based on a picture, probably a famous picture of the scene which was still exhibited at Ephesus in the time of Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv.129. Sophocles wrote a play on the subject, called The Mad Ulysses. See The Fragments of Sophocles, ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 115ff. Having taken a Phrygian prisoner, Ulysses compelled him to write a letter of treasonable purport ostensibly sent by Priam to Palamedes; and having buried gold in the quarters of Palamedes, he dropped the letter in the camp. Agamemnon read the letter, f
Aristotle, Economics, Book 2, section 1349a (search)
had caused the land to remain uncultivated; while the resident aliens, to whom the city was already indebted, refused to make any further advances. A resolution was accordingly passed that anyone who would might lend money to enable the farmers to cultivate their land, on the understanding that the lender had the first claim on its produce; others taking from what was then left. The people of Ephesus, being in need of funds, passed a law forbidding their women to wear gold, and ordering them to lend the State what gold they had in their possession.They also offered to any citizen who was willing to pay a fixed sum the right of having his name inscribed on a certain pillar of their templeThis temple, dedicated to Artemis, was restored with great magnificence after its destruction by fi
Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, Book 2, section 1223b (search)
that the same person will do the same action voluntarily and involuntarily at the same time.The same argument applies also in the case of passion;for there appear to be control and lack of control of passion as well as of desire and what is contrary to passion is painful and restraint is a matter of force, so that if what is forced is involuntary, what is in accordance with passion will always be voluntary. Even HeracleitusThe natural philosopher of Ephesus, fl. c. 513 B.C. His sentence ended O(/ TI GA\R A)\N XRH/|ZH| GI/NESQAI, YUXH=S W)NEI=TAI, Iamblichus, Protrepticus, p. 140. seems to have in view the strength of passion when he remarks that the checking of passion is painful; for 'It is difficult (he says) to do battle with passion, for it buys its wish at the price of life.' And if it is impossible to do the same act voluntarily and involuntarily at the same time and in respect of the sa
Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, Book 7, section 1235a (search)
ly variant. One party thinks that the like is friend and the opposite foe— The less is rooted enemy to the more For ever, and begins the day of hate, Eur. Phoen. 539f. E)XQR=AS H(ME/RAS= E)/XQRAS, cf. DOU/LION H)=MAR= DOULEI/A, Paley.and moreover adversaries are separated in locality, whereas friendship seems to bring men together. The other party say that opposites are friends, and HeracleitusThe natural philosopher of Ephesus, fl. end of 6th cent. B.C. rebukes the poet who wrote— Would strife might perish out of heaven and earth, Hom. Il. 18.107 for, he says, there would be no harmony without high and low notes, and no animals without male and female, which are opposites.These, then, are two opinions about friendship, and being so widely separated they are too generali.e. being so absolutely opposite to one another, they are too sweep
Aristotle, Metaphysics, Book 1, section 984a (search)
ld presume to include him in this company, in view of the paltriness of his intelligence.)AnaximenesThe third Milesian monist; fl. circa 545 B.C. and DiogenesDiogenes of Apollonia, an eclectic philosopher roughly contemporary with Hippo. held that air is prior to water, and is of all corporeal elements most truly the first principle. HippasusA Pythagorean, probably slightly junior to Heraclitus. of Metapontum and HeraclitusFl. about 500 B.C. of Ephesus hold this of fire; and EmpedoclesOf Acragas; fl. 450 B.C.—adding earth as a fourth to those already mentioned—takes all four. These, he says, always persist, and are only generated in respect of multitude and paucity, according as they are combined into unity or differentiated out of unity.Cf. Empedocles, Fr. 17 (Diels), R.P. 166; Burnet, E.G.P. 108-109.Anaxagoras of Clazomenae—prior to Empedocles in point of age, but posterior in his a<
Aristotle, Politics, Book 3, section 1285b (search)
mentioned in Hom. Il. 1.234, Hom. Il. 7.412, Hom. Il. 10.328. These kings then of ancient times used to govern continuously in matters within the city and in the country and across the frontiers; but later on when gradually the kings relinquished some of their powers and had others taken from them by the multitudes, in the cities in general only the sacrifices were left to the kings,The monarchy was reduced to a priesthood at Cyrene (Hdt. 4.161) and at Ephesus. while where anything that deserves the name of royalty survived the kings only had the command in military expeditions across the frontiers. There are then these kinds of kingship, four in number: one belonging to the heroic times, which was exercised over willing subjects, but in certain limited fields, for the king was general and judge and master of religious ceremonies; second, the barbarian monarchy, which is an hereditary despotism governing in conformit
Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, Book 1, chapter 137 (search)
, he would declare that he was taking him for a bribe. Meanwhile their safety consisted in letting no one leave the ship until a favorable time for sailing should arise. If he complied with his wishes, he promised him a proper recompense. The master acted as he desired, and, after lying to for a day a night out of the reach of the squadron, at length arrived at Ephesus. After having rewarded him with a present of money, as soon as he received some from his friends at Athens and from his secret hoards at Argos, Themistocles started inland with one of the Coast-Persians, and sent a letter to King Artaxerxes, Xerxes' son, who had just come to the throne. Its contents were as follows: ‘I, Th
Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, Book 3, chapter 32 (search)
Accordingly he put out from Embatum and proceeded along shore; and touching at the Teian town, Myonnesus, there butchered most of the prisoners that he had taken on his passage. Upon his coming to anchor at Ephesus, envoys came to him from the Samians at Anaia, and told him that he was not going the right way to free Hellas in massacring men who had never raised a hand against him, and who were not enemies of his, but allies of Athens against their will, and that if he did not stop he would turn many more friends into enemies than enemies into friends. Alcidas agreed to this, and let go all the Chians still in his hands and some of the others that he had taken; the inhabitants, instead of flyin
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