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l knew the snares that might be spread about his feet by political intrigue, personal animosity, and possibly by popular delusion. This is the path that all heroes have trod before him. He was traduced and maligned for his supposed motives. He well knew, that, as in the Roman triumphal processions, so in public service, obloquy is an essential ingredient in the composition of all true glory.--Edmund Burke. Early in 1848, a small company of reformers, among whom were Henry Wilson, Stephen C. Phillips, John A. Andrew, and Horace Mann, used to assemble frequently in the rooms of Mr. Sumner in Court Street to discuss the encroachments of the slaveocracy, and the duties and delinquencies of the Whig party. Here indeed was taken the first real political anti-slavery stand; and here, in view of the subserviency of prominent Whigs to Southern rule, was inaugurated the intrepid Free-soil party, whose leading policy was free soil, free labor, free speech, free men, and opposition to the e
comprehensive energies which have been so fatally absorbed in its support. Then, at last, shall it be seen that there can be no peace that is not honorable; and there can be no war that is not dishonorable. Planted on the solid ground of opposition, under and within the constitution, to slavery and its extension, the Free-soil party commended itself more and more to the profound convictions of the Northern people, and, under the direction of such clearheaded men as Henry Wilson, Stephen C. Phillips, Charles A. Phelps, and Charles Sumner, gradually acquired position and commanding influence. At a convention of the party held at Worcester, Sept. 12, 1849, Mr. Sumner, calling the members to order, said,-- It was the sentiment of Benjamin Franklin, that great apostle of freedom, uttered during the trials of the Revolution, that Where liberty is, there is my country. I doubt not that each member of this convention will be ready to respond, in a similar strain, Where liberty is,
ess of party platforms, irreconcilable with justice. Mr. Henry Wilson, who was afterwards to be elected to the Senate, and from its floor to its Presidency, wrote:—I have read your glorious speech. How proud I am that God gave me the power to aid in placing you in the Senate! You have exhausted the question. Hereafter all that can be said will be to repeat your speech. It will afford to any one the most complete view of the questions in dispute, of anything ever published. Hon. Stephen C. Phillips, who had rendered important aid in organizing the free-soil party, in Massachusetts, wrote:—I regard it as a contribution of inestimable value to our noble cause, worth all the labor, all the time, all the self-sacrifice, and all the misrepresentations it has cost you. It is statesmanlike in all its features, and does all that is necessary to place our simple and entire design in its true light before the country, and before the world, and in the records of history. Although Mr.
ess of party platforms, irreconcilable with justice. Mr. Henry Wilson, who was afterwards to be elected to the Senate, and from its floor to its Presidency, wrote:—I have read your glorious speech. How proud I am that God gave me the power to aid in placing you in the Senate! You have exhausted the question. Hereafter all that can be said will be to repeat your speech. It will afford to any one the most complete view of the questions in dispute, of anything ever published. Hon. Stephen C. Phillips, who had rendered important aid in organizing the free-soil party, in Massachusetts, wrote:—I regard it as a contribution of inestimable value to our noble cause, worth all the labor, all the time, all the self-sacrifice, and all the misrepresentations it has cost you. It is statesmanlike in all its features, and does all that is necessary to place our simple and entire design in its true light before the country, and before the world, and in the records of history. Although Mr.
the country down an inclined plane, and there was no escape but by cutting the rope that bound the North to the South. The impracticable politicians of all parties, therefore, who struggled against the inevitable, while refusing to look facts in the face, filled the year at which we have now arrived with the emptiest of empty words. On January 29, an Anti-Texas Convention was held in Lib. 15.18. Faneuil Hall. Mr. Webster united in the Convention, and consulted with and assisted Stephen C. Phillips, Charles Allen, and Charles Francis Adams, in preparing the Address of the Convention—an address filled with noble sentiments of hostility to slavery domination (Henry Wilson in the Massachusetts Senate, 1852; Lib. 22.41). I remember that when, in 1845, the present leaders of the Free Soil Party, with Daniel Webster in their company, met to draw up the Anti-Texas Address of the Massachusetts Convention, they sent to abolitionists for anti-slavery facts and history, for the remarkable
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 6: third mission to England.—1846. (search)
There are many more A. S. Whigs and Democrats than Ms. Mar. 28, 1847. Third Party men, and many more Whig papers, especially, which are more thoroughly anti-slavery than any of the Third Cf. Lib. 17.170. Party ones. There is not a Third Party paper that compares in thoroughness and usefulness with the Boston Whig, or even the N. Y. Tribune. And they have not a man who comes near Charles F. Adams (son of J. Q. A.), editor of the Whig, Charles Sumner, J. G. Palfrey, S. G. Howe, Stephen C. Phillips, and others of the A. S. Whigs, in point of character, talent, or social standing. These gentlemen are high-minded, honorable, well-educated men, who would compare favorably with any public men you have in Parliament. And they have actually sacrificed political prospects and caste by their A. S. course, which is more than can be said of a single Third Party man—because I know of none who had anything of the sort to lose. Yet we cannot admit these men—though so much better abolition
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
at the man who expects anything but failure from such a plan has still the a b c of his country's history to learn. Lib. 18.18. To this Proviso the four hundred delegates who met at Columbus Lib. 18.103. pledged their votes and their concerted action, and ended by calling another convention at Buffalo, N. Y., on August 9. Meanwhile, a great mass convention on the same lines was held at Worcester, Mass., on June 28, under the Lib. 18.106. presidency of Samuel Hoar and leadership of Stephen C. Phillips and Charles Francis Adams, and with the assistance of Joshua R. Giddings; and in other parts of the State, as Mr. Garrison's letters have just shown, the agitation was carried on during the month of July. The Conscience Whigs of Massachusetts were in revolt Lib. 18.94, 98, 102. against the action of their party at Philadelphia on June 7, when the popular hero of the Mexican War, Gen. Zachary Taylor, a Louisiana slaveholder, was nominated for President, in disregard of the claims of
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
r philanthropy. He corresponded with George P. Marsh, Dr. George W. Bethune, George W. Greene, and Brantz Mayer on literary subjects; with Lieber on historical questions; with Vaux, Parrish, and Foulke, all of Philadelphia, on prison discipline; with William and John Jay on measures against war and slavery; with Giddings, Palfrey, and Mann on issues in Congress and the antislavery movement; He was also in familiar relations at this time with S. P. Chase. with Whittier, Charles Allen, S. C. Phillips, and many others on political resistance in Massachusetts to slavery; with David Dudley Field on the reform and codification of the law; with B. D. Silliman and William Kent, who wrote on professional topics and social amenities, both taking the liberty of friendship to chaff him for his philanthropic and political vagaries,—the former calling him a prematurist. Friendly notes came often from Howe, Felton, and Longfellow. Death and change of interests eliminated front time to time from
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
sumed a great importance in Massachusetts. S. C. Phillips and W. B. Calhoun (formerly of the House owhich promises to light a powerful flame. S. C. Phillips has delivered a couple of lectures on the July 23, a meeting where Palfrey, Adams. S. C. Phillips, Wilson, and W. B. Spooner took counsel foffice, September 19, at which Adams, Palfrey, Phillips, and Sumner considered the subject of resolutfered from those reported by the committee. Phillips introduced them to the convention in an earneWinthrop's speech and to Child's objection to Phillips's resolutions, and criticised sharply the com. All thanks for the free voices of thyself, Phillips, Allen, and Adams. Notwithstanding the resul swayed by the same influences, the defeat of Phillips's resolutions; and put upon those who had a dxpressed to me his warm sympathy with you. S. C. Phillips, as you May imagine, appreciates your nobl letter in the Boston Whig, Nov. 20, 1847. S. C. Phillips, under the signature of A Massachusetts Wh[9 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
th the mission to South Carolina for the protection of the colored seamen of Massachusetts, was called to the chair. S. C. Phillips reported an address and resolutions; six delegates at large, with Adams's name at the head, were chosen to attend theonvention by inviting speakers and counselling as to candidates. The convention continued for two days. It nominated S. C. Phillips for governor, and an electoral ticket, at the head of which was Samuel Hoar. The addresses and proceedings were markunderstood as saying that Sumner produced conviction with more minds than some other speakers,—notably Charles Allen, S. C. Phillips, and R. H. Dana, Jr. Other speakers who rendered conspicuous service in the campaign were Samuel and E. R. Hoar. fatand omitted all reference to the existing low duties as one of them. Boston Republican, November 3. Other speakers—S. C. Phillips, for instance—made the same use of the letter. Mr. Lawrence authorized the Atlas to state that Sumner had perverted <
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