aw officers in abundance overlooked the scene of the mob; the legislators, in special session at the state house-John G. Whittier among them-hastened down to become spectators.
Law was everywhere, but justice was fallen in the streets. ... Wendell Phillips, commencing practice in his native city, and not versed, perhaps, in the riot statutes, wondered why his regiment was not called out.
An alderman, when questioned while the riot was in progress, intimated that, though it was the duty of theE. P. Lovejoy, at Alton, Illinois, by a mob which thus exhibited its disapproval of his anti-slavery journal, did much to stir up Abolition sentiment, already stimulated by many similar outrages in the South.
Lovejoy's assassination brought Wendell Phillips into the ranks of the Garrisonians, and he declared himself in an eloquent speech at Faneuil Hall at a meeting called to express the indignation of all that was best in Boston.
But still the low passions of the friends of slavery continued
s at once fled from the miscalled free States across the border into Canada and found freedom on British soil.
When Wendell Phillips and Theodore Parker addressed a mass-meeting at Faneuil Hall to protest against the return of a captured slave, Judgck Douglass, of Rochester, black-man, from African blood; William Lloyd Garrison, of Boston, mulattoman, mixed race; Wendell Phillips, of Boston, white-man, merely from blood.
He added that Garrison surpasses Robespierre and his associates, and borravery free discussion in New York for 1850, said the Tribune.
Similar events occurred in Boston, and the crowd silenced Phillips himself in Faneuil Hall.
Even after Lincoln's election, anti-slavery meetings were broken up by rioters in Boston, and Faneuil Hall.
Even after Lincoln's election, anti-slavery meetings were broken up by rioters in Boston, and on one occasion Phillips' life was for a time in danger.
In Brooklyn Henry Ward Beecher had to be guarded by the police in Plymouth Church.
the future Emancipator?
He rose to a higher sense of his duties later when he told Congress in 1864 that If the people should by whatever mode or means make it an executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, not I, must be their instrument to enforce it.
Resignation of office is surely the only course for an official who finds himself called upon to do something which offends his conscience.
Garrison earnestly urged the renomination of Lincoln against the bitter opposition of Wendell Phillips, who always strangely misunderstood the President.
Now at last the virtues of the Abolitionists began to be generally recognized.
In 1864 George Thompson, who nearly thirty years before had barely escaped violence from proslavery mobs, returned to America.
He was given a public reception in Boston, with Governor Andrews in the chair, and at Washington a short time afterwards, he was invited by the House of Representatives to deliver a lecture in their hall.
Garrison, too, was trea
ersion of liberty, in the prevalence of intemperance, and in whatever tends to the demoralization of the people.
In the same strain might a Southern planter have answered Lundy in the twenties!
Garrison was only a fallible mortal after all, but surely he had already deserved well enough of his kind for us to overlook the natural conservatism of his old age. It is not everyone that can preserve to the end the freshness and alertness of vision of his youth, a quality which distinguished Wendell Phillips from his colleagues and outweighed the trivial defects of his character.
The workingman, it should be said in this connection, at one time at least had shown his devotion to the cause of the slave, and placed all Abolitionists under lasting obligations.
In 1863 a friend writing to Garrison from England says:
The working classes also have proved to be sound to the core, wherever their opinion has been tested.
Witness the noble demonstration of Manchester operatives the other
We may well then find suggestions in the Abolition movement which will be of value in forming a diagnosis of present conditions and seeking a remedy for existing ills.
(i) And first of all, the Abolition movement was initiated by people of humble rank in society.
Garrison began life as a cobbler's apprentice, and Lundy was a saddler.
Even when the war broke out very few persons of prominence in society had taken their place among the Abolitionists, and those who did, such as Wendell Phillips and Edmund Quincy, were more or less ostracised and maligned.
It was never respectable to be an Abolitionist.
And it is true of all great social movements that their origin has been outside the pale of the upper classes.
Growth does not begin at the top, and a healthy, vigorous, just cause cannot in the nature of things be respectable at first; and just in proportion as it becomes respectable it loses its energy and single-mindedness.
And this estrangement of the wealth and culture