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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 83 1 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 81 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 80 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 45 1 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 29 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 22 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 21 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: May 7, 1862., [Electronic resource] 20 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: August 14, 1861., [Electronic resource] 16 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 15 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for Franklin Pierce or search for Franklin Pierce in all documents.

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to the Senate Continuity of the Pierce cabinet character of Franklin Pierce. Happy in the peaceful pursuits of a planter, busily engage was interrupted by an invitation to take a place in the cabinet of Pierce, who had been elected to the presidency of the United States in November, 1852. Although warmly attached to Pierce personally, and entertaining the highest estimate of his character and political principles, ined or suggested, and foundries employed, during the presidency of Pierce, 1853-57. Having been again elected by the legislature of Missisippi as Senator to the United States, I passed from the cabinet of Pierce, on the last day of his term (March 4, 1857) to take my seat in the Senate. The administration of Franklin Pierce presents the only instance in our history of the continuance of a cabinet for four years wiidea may be formed of the power over men possessed and exercised by Pierce. Chivalrous, generous, amiable, true to his friends, and to his fa
ation of political morality. The organization of the territory of Kansas was the first question that gave rise to exciting debate after my return to the Senate. The celebrated Kansas-Nebraska bill had become a law during the administration of Pierce. As this occupies a large space in the political history of the period, it is proper to state some facts connected with it which were not public, but were known to me and to others yet living. The declaration, often repeated in 1850, that cli only a return to that rule which had been infringed by the compromise of 1820, and the restoration of which had been foreshadowed by the legislation of 1850. This bill was not, therefore, as has been improperly asserted, a measure inspired by Mr. Pierce or any of his cabinet. Nor was it the first step taken toward the repeal of the conditions or obligations expressed or implied by the establishment, in 1820, of the politico-sectional line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes. That compact
ness of the people had three times conferred it upon me, and I had no reason to fear that it would not be given again, as often as desired. So far from wishing to change this position for any other, I had specially requested my friends (some of whom had thought of putting me in nomination for the presidency of the United States in 1860) not to permit my name to be used before the Convention for any nomination whatever. I had been so near the office for four years, while in the cabinet of Pierce, that I saw it from behind the scenes, and it was to me an office in no wise desirable. The responsibilities were great; the labor, the vexations, the disappointments, were greater. Those who have intimately known the official and personal life of our Presidents cannot fail to remember how few have left the office as happy men as when they entered it, how darkly the shadows gathered around the setting sun, and how eagerly the multitude would turn to gaze upon another orb just rising to ta
mination of the members of the commission was made on February 25—within a week after my inauguration—and confirmed by Congress on the same day. The commissioners appointed were A. B. Roman of Louisiana, Martin J. Crawford of Georgia, and John Forsyth of Alabama. Roman was an honored citizen and had been governor of his native state; Crawford had served with distinction in Congress for several years; Forsyth was an influential journalist, and had been minister to Mexico under appointment of Pierce near the close of his term, and continued so under that of Buchanan. These gentlemen, moreover, represented the three great parties which had ineffectually opposed the sectionalism of the so-called Republicans. Ex-Governor Roman had been a Whig in former years, and one of the Constitutional Union, or Bell-and-Everett party in the canvass of 1860; Crawford, as a state-rights Democrat, had supported Breckinridge; Forsyth had been a zealous advocate of the claims of Douglas. The composition
nor apprehensive. . . . In the autumn of 1858 Davis visited Boston, and was invited to address a public meeting at Faneuil Hall. He was introduced by the Hon. Caleb Cushing, with whom he had been four years associated in the cabinet of President Pierce. Cushing's speech, on account of its great merit, is inserted here, except some complimentary portions of it. Mr. President—Fellow-Citizens: I present myself before you at the instance of your chairman, not so much in order to occupy yoast history of our country, never, I add, in its future destiny, however bright it may be, did or will a man of higher and purer patriotism, a man more devoted to the common weal of his country, hold the helm of our great ship of state, than Franklin Pierce. I have heard the resolutions read and approved by this meeting; I have heard the address of your candidate for Governor; and these, added to the address of my old and intimate friend, General Cushing, bear to me fresh testimony, which I
Compromise measures of 1850, 13-14; speech in Senate, 453-56; extract from speech relative to slavery in territories, 457-64. Reflection to Senate, 16, 22. Nomination for governor, 17; defeat, 18. Letter to Brown of Indiana, 18-19. Member of Pierce's cabinet, 20-22. Extracts from speech on master and servant, 26-27. Extract from speech on Nicholson letter, 32-33. Resolutions submitted in Senate, 36-38. Speech in reply to Douglas, 38-40. Opinions on secession, 50, 51-52. Remarks in Senlature, 234-35. Correspondence regarding Fort Sumter, 235, 538-40. Official notice from Washington, 236, 244. Pickering, Col., Timothy, 8, 60, 63, 67. Letter to Higginson, 60-61. Letter to Cabot, 61. Letter to Lyman, 61-62. Pierce, Franklin, pres. U. S., 20, 22, 23, 25, 176, 212. Pillow, General. Defense of Belmont, Missouri, 346. Pinckney, Charles, 9, 136, 139. Pleasants, James, 9. Plymouth (ship), 285. Poindexter, —, 62. Polk, Gen., Leonidas, 345, 351. Occu