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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 36 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 8 0 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 6 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 4 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 1. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 2 0 Browse Search
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John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 7: the shadow of slavery (search)
The blue pencil was never out of use. No writer was too great, no subject too important to escape its rapid and unerring stroke. During this entire decade, James S. Pike, of Maine, afterwards minister to the Netherlands, was one of the principal correspondents and contributors to the Tribune. He wrote much and well, but, like the rest, he came under the correcting influence of Dana's criticism. This is well illustrated by a letter from Dana having reference to Pike's Campaign life of General Scott, and to the assignment of Bayard Taylor as secretary to Commodore Perry in the Japanese expedition. Having taken liberties with Pike's proofs, he wrote: Pike's proofs, he wrote: If you don't like this swear all you wish, but you can't help it. The thing is put through, and what you may say is a matter of perfect indifference. And then, as though to soothe the wounded feelings of his friend, he added in the next paragraph: I have discovered that I am necessary to you. Without me who would take
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
impulses or inspirations which carry men outside and beyond the currents of life about them. He passed from his studies to public station; and was naturally more sensitive to criticism than if he had undergone the discipline and friction of a profession. If not quite so complete in his equipment as a few of the foremost of American statesmen, he was nevertheless a diligent student of public questions, and enjoyed a rare gift for debate. His style was finished, direct, and spirited. James S. Pike describes vividly in the Boston Courier, Feb. 25, 1850. Winthrop's style and manner, which made him the peer in debate of any member of the House. As an orator for festive and anniversary occasions he ranks next to Everett, while in forensic power he was altogether Everett's superior. With his early start and his rare accomplishments, there was no high place in the national government to which he might not have aspired, none which he might not have filled with credit to himself and to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
h supported them. Boston Courier, April 5, 1851. Atlas, April 4. The motives of Mr. Webster, whether those of personal ambition of patriotism, or however these may have been combined, need not be considered in a statement which is intended, so far as it concerns him, only to illustrate the state of affairs in Massachusetts at this time. Contemporary writers suggest that a disposition to obstruct President Taylor had something to do with the course of Clay as well as of Webster. (J. S. Pike, in Courier, April 10, 1850.) The judgment of history is not likely to relieve Webster of the imputation that a desire to become President was a leading cause of his change of course. Von Hoist, vol. IV. p. 140. He was called to the Cabinet of President Fillmore in July, and continued till his death, in 1852, to use his personal influence and official power in the direction of his Seventh of March speech. That speech carried the Compromise measures, but it made also a political revoluti
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ly there is,—it will hesitate to take upon itself the stain of this transaction. The speech was listened to with the closest attention from the beginning to the end: and the galleries applauded the description of a Northern man with Southern principles. New York Tribune, February 22; New York Evening Post, February 24; Commonwealth, March 1. The President of the Senate forbade the applause when given to Sumner; but on a succeeding day allowed it without rebuke when given to Douglas. (Pike's First Blows in the Civil War, p. 218.) Douglas in his speech, March 3, treated this description of a Northern man with Southern principles as intended for himself. R. H. Dana, Jr., wrote to Sumner, February 26: Your magnetic mountain is a thing that can neither be hid nor removed; it will be one of the everlasting hills. (Works, vol. III. pp. 327, 328.) The Whig papers of Boston did not print the speech; but it reached the people of Massachusetts through the Commonwealth newspaper, and a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
s, listened to with breathless attention, J. S. Pike in New York Tribune, May 21. closed the part, and were once at least called to order. J. S. Pike, in New York Tribune, May 21; First Blows in conspiracy, and the North should know it. (J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, June 2; First Blowse his way he would hang Sumner on the spot. (J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, May 21.) Rivers, a members armed themselves for self-defence. (J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune. May 26; W. S. Thayeeen inspired by Weller, Douglas, and Mason. J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, May 26; First Blowsit, had a temporary effect on some minds. J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, May 26; First Blows refraining from comments on the assault. J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, May 24 and 26. Theping his bed, but beginning to see friends. (J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, June 6.) At Mr. Blaeen arranged for in the official programme. (J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, February 2.) Brooks[5 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
pleaded that the secret service fund should be used to instruct foreign journals. He was likewise in communication with a large proportion of the legations and consulates of the United States, from which came statements of their needs and the aspect of our Civil War as it was regarded at their posts, and advice as to modes of enlisting foreign opinion in our favor. Among correspondents of this class at this time were John Bigelow, Henry Adams, J. E. Harvey, W. S. Thayer, Seth Webb, Jr., J. S. Pike, B. Taylor, J. R. Giddings, T. Corwin. Carl Schurz. II. J. Perry, C. D. Cleveland, and B. R. Wood. No one outside of the state department had at command equal sources of information of this kind. He was the one senator to whom advanced antislavery men looked for the expression and promotion of their views; and every mail at this time, and indeed during his entire service in Congress, brought him a large number of letters from this class, in which they stated, often at great length, th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ithdrawal from the Cabinet. Without naming him, it was agreed to call upon the President to make such changes in his Cabinet as would secure unity of purpose and action, and include in it only the cordial and unwavering supporters of a vigorous and successful prosecution of the war. The committee of the caucus, consisting of Collamer, Trumbull, Howard, Harris, Grimes, Pomeroy, Fessenden, Fessenden's unfavorable opinion of Seward at an early date is given in his letter, Feb. 2, 1858, to J. S. Pike. First Blows of the Civil War, p. 379. Sumner, and Wade, waited on the President, December 18. Collamer presented the formal paper which had been agreed upon, and the senators individually stated their objections to Mr. Seward's continuance in the Cabinet. When Mr. Lincoln's attention was called, probably by Sumner, to the despatch of July 5, he expressed surprise, and disclaimed any knowledge of it,—a disclaimer which he subsequently repeated to Sumner. New York Tribune, March 2, 186
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
tion of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. The chair of Fessenden was vacant when the Senate convened, Dec. 6, 1869, he having died September 8. Sumner paid a tribute to his memory Dec. 14, 1869, Works, vol. XIII. pp. 189-194. which drew grateful letters from the friends and admirers of the deceased senator,—among whom were James S. Pike, the journalist, Mr. Clifford, former governor, and Mr. Rockwell, late senator. The time was not far ahead when Sumner was to be in need of the Maine senator's courage and sense of honor. Whittier wrote, March 8:— I was especially delighted with thy remarks on the death of Senator Fessenden. Viewed in connection with the circumstances, I know of nothing finer, truer, and more magnanimous. It is such things that bring thee nearer to the hearts of the people. Car
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
d it their duty to move the inquiry, and ridiculous in its attempt to expound international law. Schurz the same day reviewed at length the report, replying to its personal insinuations, as well as controverting its substantial positions. A reply from Carpenter closed the discussion. The controversy attracted little attention in the country. It was chiefly of interest at Washington, where it drew a crowd to the Capitol, always on hand to witness a display of forensic antagonism; James S. Pike described in the New York Tribune, February 27, the contest as a boy's debate, . . . carried on by able men and practised speakers, and affording the cheapest entertainment to loafers. and even with them the debate was wearisome, except when Schurz, Sumner, Carpenter, or Conkling was on the floor. Sumner was, as his manner showed, profoundly convinced of the truth of his position that there had been a breach of international duty, and that there was dishonesty somewhere; but he was in a
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley, Chapter 28: day and night in the Tribune office. (search)
blishers, Clerks, Compositors, Proof-Readers, Pressmen, &c., employed on the New York Tribune. From this Directory one may learn that the Editor of the Tribune is Horace Greeley, the Managing-Editor Charles A. Dana, the Associate-Editors, James S. Pike, William Hi. Fry, George Ripley, George M. Snow, Bayard Taylor, F. J. Ottarson, William Newman, B. Brock way, Solon Robinson, and Donald C. Henderson. We perceive also that Mr. Ottarson is the City Editor, and that his assistants are in numbleman with the small, black, Albert moustache, who is writing at the desk over there in the corner, is the commercial editor, the writer of the money article—Mr. George M. Snow. We should have taken him for anything but a commercial gentlemen. Mr. Pike, the J. S. P. of former Washington correspondence, now a writer on political subjects, is not present; nor are other members of the corps. Between twelve and one, Mr. Greeley comes in, with his pockets full of papers, and a bundle under his
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