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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Second joint debate, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. (search)
urner], did you violate your pledge in voting for Mr. Lincoln, or did he commit himself to your platform before you cast your vote for him? I could go through the whole list of names here and show you that all the Black Republicans in the Legislature, who voted for Mr. Lincoln, had voted on the day previous for these resolutions. For instance, here are the names of Sargent and Little of Jo Daviess and Carroll, Thomas J. Turner of Stephenson, Lawrence of Boone and McHenry, Swan of Lake, Pinckney of Ogle county, and Lyman of Winnebago. Thus you see every member from your Congressional District voted for Mr. Lincoln, and they were pledged not to vote for him unless he was committed to the doctrine of no more slave States, the prohibition of slavery in the Territories, and the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law. Mr. Lincoln tells you to-day that he is not pledged to any such doctrine. Either Mr. Lincoln was then committed to those propositions, or Mr. Turner violated his pledges to yo
e American troops out as you would smoke a rabbit out of a hollow. Another was for filling bombs with prussic acid and giving each of the United States soldiers a smell. Still another supposed that the fort might be taken without bloodshed by offering to each soldier ten dollars and a speaking to. And still another thought that by erecting a barricade of cotton bales, and arming it with cannon, a floating battery might be made, which, with the aid of Forts Moultrie and Johnson, and Castle Pinckney, together with redoubts thrown up on Morris' and Jones' Islands, and with further assistance of an armed fleet, an attack might be made on the fort, and at some convenient point a party of sharpshooters might be stationed, who would pick off the garrison, man by man, thus giving an opportunity to a party of infantry to scale the walls of the fort. Such a storming, however, could only be accomplished by an immense sacrifice of life; and the only practicable mode of taking the fort would se
ork of the great Northwest.--(Doc. 168.) Near Pleasant Hill, Cass Co., Mo., fifty wagons and five hundred oxen, on their way to Sedalia, were captured by the rebels. When the wagon-master escaped, the yokes of the oxen were being burned, and preparations were also being made to burn the wagons. The teamsters were all taken prisoners.--N. Y. Times, November 17. The D'Epineuil Zouaves, under command of Col. D'Epineuil, and the Sixty-sixth regiment N. Y. S. V., under command of Colonel Pinckney, left New York for the seat of war. Sixty-eight prisoners arrived at Tallahassee, Florida, in charge of a detachment of Captain Sheffield's company, the whole under Colonel M. Whit Smith. They are composed of Spaniards, Yankees, and Floridians, and were captured while engaged in fishing around the Florida coast in the vicinity of Egmont Key for the Federals at Key West. Colonel Smith says they are the crews of twelve fishing smacks, and that the craft captured are worth, in the a
mond Examiners, November 20. A party of Union troops recaptured nearly all the wagons and cattle which were seized by the rebels yesterday, near Pleasant Hill, Mo. This morning the Ninety-seventh regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers, numbering nine hundred and fifty muskets, under command of Col. Guess, arrived at Baltimore, Md.--Four hundred and eighty-eight U. S. Artillery and Infantry, commanded by Lieut.-Col. C. S. Merchant; the Sixty-sixty regiment N. Y. S. V. under command of Col. Pinckney; the Fifty-first regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers, and a detachment of five hundred sailors, belonging to the Ellsworth and Naval batteries, commanded by Col. Wainwright, also arrived at Baltimore during the day.--Baltimore American, November 18. The Wild Cat Brigade, under Gen. Schoepf in Kentucky, reached Crab Orchard after a forced marched of four days in retreat.--(Doc. 170.) United States steam gunboat Connecticut captured the British schooner Adelaide, of Nassau, N. P.
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
nsurrection, as a special war correspondent of that paper. He landed in New York and proceeded southward. He mingled freely with the ruling class there, among whom he heard, he says, but one voice concerning their aspirations for an eternal separation from democracy. Shades of George III., of North, of Johnston, he exclaims; of all who contended against the great rebellion which tore these colonies from England, can you hear the chorus which rings through the State of Marion, Sumter, and Pinckney, and not clap your ghostly hands in triumph? That voice says, If we could only get one of the royal race of England to rule over us, we should be content. That sentiment, varied a hundred ways, has been repeated to me over and over again. They were ready for any thing rather than continue a union with the North, with whom they declared it was an insufferable degradation to live as equals. They were arrogantly boastful of their honor, their courage, their invincibility, and their ever-
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 5: events in Charleston and Charleston harbor in December, 1860.--the conspirators encouraged by the Government policy. (search)
nsign of the Republic had been raised over Sumter, December 27, 1860. two armed steamers (General Clinch and Nina), which had been watching Anderson's movements, left the city, with about four hundred armed men, under General R. G. M. Dunovant (who had been a captain in a South Carolina regiment in the war with Mexico, and was now Adjutant-General of the State), for the purpose of seizing Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie. One-half of these troops, led by Colonel J. J. Pettigrew, landed at Pinckney. The commandant of the garrison, Lieutenant R. K. Mead (a Virginian, who soon afterward deserted his flag and hastened to Richmond), made no resistance, but fled to Sumter. His men so strongly barricaded the door of the Castle that the assailants were compelled to enter it by escalade. They found the cannon spiked, the carriages ruined, the ammunition removed, and the flag-staff prostrated. Borrowing a Palmetto flag from the captain of one of the steamers, Pettigrew unfurled it over the
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 17: events in and near the National Capital. (search)
they work, that within ten days from the time when the President made his call for troops, no less than eight thousand well-equipped and fully armed men had gone to the field from the city of New York. Already, before the organization of the Committee, the celebrated Seventh Regiment of the National Guard of New York, Colonel Marshall Lefferts, had left for Washington City; and on the day after the great meeting (Sunday, the 21st), three other regiments had followed, namely, the Sixth, Colonel Pinckney; the Twelfth, Colonel Butter-field; and the Seventy-first, Colonel Vosburg. Major-General Wool, next in rank to the General-in-chief, and the Commander of the Eastern Department, which comprised the whole country eastward of the Mississippi River, was then at his home and Headquarters at Troy, New York. When he heard of the affair at Baltimore, he hastened to Albany, the State capital, to confer with Governor Morgan. While he was there, the Governor received an electrograph, urging
nally and absolutely renounced. The poor quibble of double allegiance must be disavowed. An American--and not a New Yorker, nor a Virginian — is the noble title by which we are to live, and which you, my young friends, must, in your respective spheres, contribute to make live, however it may cost in blood and money. Go forth, then. my young friends — go forth as citizens of the Great Continental American Republic — to which your first, your constant, your latest hopes in life should attach — and abating no jot of obedience to Municipal or State authority within the respective limits of each — bear yourselves always, and everywhere, as Americans — as fellow-countrymen of Adams, and Ellsworth, and Jay, and Jefferson, and Carroll, and Washington, and Pinckney — as heirs of the glories of Bunker Hill, and Saratoga, and Monmouth, and Yorktown, and Eutaw Springs, and New Orleans, and suffer no traitor hordes to despoil you, of such rich inheritance or so grand and gloriou
ds. It is true that the delegates from the Northern States joined us in the Convention of 1787 that made it; but the first programme, the outline of the Constitution as we now have it, was proposed by the distinguished member from Carolina, Mr. Pinckney. Another programme which was said to be the basis of the Constitution, was introduced by Mr. Randolph, of Virginia. The Northern men, with a few exceptions, did not favor that form of government. The Constitution, therefore, reserving sover make mad. This is a war against the principles which their fathers and our fathers fought for — that every State Government derived its powers from the consent of the governed. These were the principles of Hancock, Jackson, Madison, Randolph, Pinckney, and others. They were the principles their fathers and our fathers united in fighting for; and now they have made them a mockery of all history, and the shame of their ancestors. These people are now warring against that principle, and atte
respondent of The London Times, spent some time in South Carolina, and he writes: From all quarters have come to my ears the echoes of the same voice; it may be feigned, but there is no discord in the note, and it sounds in wonderful strength and monotony all over the country. Shades of George III., of North, of Johnson, of all who contended against the great rebellion which tore these colonies from England, can you hear the chorus which rings through the State of Marion, Sumter, and Pinckney, and not clap your ghostly hands in triumph? That voice says, If we could only get one of the royal race of England to rule over us, we should be content! Let there be no misconception on this point. That sentiment, varied in a hundred ways, has been repeated to me over and over again. There is a general admission that the means to such an end are wanting, and that the desire cannot be gratified. But the admiration for monarchical institutions on the English model, for privileged class
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