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J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, XX. November, 1862 (search)
would cease their commendations of President Davis. Mr. Randolph says, in his letter to the President, that trading with ports in possession of the enemy is forbidden to citizens, and not to the government! The archives of the department show that this is not the first instance of the kind entertained by the Secretary. He has granted a license to citizens in Mobile to trade cotton in New Orleans for certain supplies in exchange, in exact compliance with Gen. Butler's proclamation. Did Pitt ever practice such things during his contest with Napoleon? Did the Continental Government ever resort to such equivocal expedients? A member of Washington's cabinet (and he, too, was a Randolph) once violated the settled policy of the government, but he was instantly deprived of the seals of office. He acted under the advice of Jefferson, who sought to destroy Washington; and the present Secretary Randolph is a grandson of Jefferson. Washington, the inflexible patriot, frowned indignantl
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Historical Scarecrows. (search)
y. For ourselves, if we are to be guided in our present duties by the precedents of the past, we prefer to select our own examples, and to draw our own conclusions. If the latest English newspapers come to us freighted with sarcastic sneers at the Emancipation of the American Slave, we can read them with equanimity, when we remember that Mr. Dundas, in 1792, proposed, in Parliament, the Emancipation of the British Blacks — that Mr. Burke proposed a bill for the same great purpose — that Mr. Pitt avowed that the abolition of the Slave Trade must be followed by the abolition of Slavery — that Sir Samuel Romilly, in pronouncing the doom of a barbarous commerce, anticipated the time when the West Indies should no more be cultivated, as now, by wretched Slaves, but by happy and contented laborers, ----that the careless but kind-hearted Sheridan declared, that the abolition of the Slave-Trade was the proper preamble to the entire abolition of Slavery, --that Lord Grenville, then Prime Mi<
G. S. Hillard, Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan, Major-General , U. S. Army, Chapter 13: (search)
s opinion of the conqueror of Malvern Hill and Antietam are, in the intellectual line, legitimate descendants of those subjects of George the Third who used to maintain that Napoleon Bonaparte was deficient in the quality of personal courage. A prejudice of this kind is as much proof against reason as the diseased fancy of a hypochondriac who believes that his legs are made of glass, or that he is followed everywhere by a blue dog. You must have observed, said Mr. Grenville, in a letter to Mr. Pitt, that of all impressions the most difficult to be removed are those which have no reason to support them; because against them no reason can be applied. But there are other persons, more reasonable, more discriminating, who, while they allow General McClellan to be an accomplished and meritorious officer, capable of doing excellent service in a subordinate sphere, hold also the opinion that when at the head of an army his good qualities are neutralized by his slowness, his over-cautiousn
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., V. The Convention and the Constitution. (search)
n aforesaid; but we submit that this does not invalidate our claim for our country and her Revolutionary Statesmen of the honor of having pioneered thus far the advance of Justice and Humanity, to the overthrow of a giant iniquity. The Encyclopoedia aforesaid, in noting the fact that the African Slave-Trade was abolished by Great Britain under the brief Whig ministry of Fox and Grenville, after such abolition had been boldly urged for twenty years under the all but dictatorial Tory rule of Pitt, who was professedly its friend, forcibly and truly adds: The proud son of Chatham loved truth and justice not a little, but he loved power and place greatly more; and he was resolved that Negro Emancipation should not lose him either a shred of political influence or a beam of [royal] favor. The particular individual of whom this is said is now some sixty years dead; but the breed was not extinct, in either hemisphere, at the date of our latest advices. The modified proposition to pr
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Our fallen heroes: an address delivered by Hon. A. M. Keiley, of Richmond, on Memorial day, at Loudon park, near Baltimore, June 5, 1879. (search)
where Virginia has essayed to rouse the emulation of her children by erecting statues to the worthiest of those who, in the past, have made her famous. Challenge them all, face to face, with the sentry's cry, and one answer alone will come from bronze or marble--a Rebel, --while crowning her Pantheon sits the world's synonym for every grace and virtue that ennobles man and adorns office — the arch-rebel of the eighteenth century — George Washington! A hundred years and more ago, when, as Pitt said, even the chimney-sweeps in London streets talked boastingly of their subjects in America, rebel was the uniform title of those despised subjects. This sneer was the substitute for argument, which Camden and Chatham met in the Lords, and Burke and Barre in the Commons, as their eloquent voices were raised for justice to the Americans of the last century. Disperse rebels was the opening gun at Lexington. Rebels was the sneer of General Gage, addressed to the brave lads of Boston Comm
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 8: John Quincy Adams (search)
llen when in the discharge of his duties. The position of Mr. Adams, who had been elected as an independent candidate, was unique. He owed his official place to no political party, and was, therefore, free from party shackles in regulating his course. He took up the fight for the black man's freedom as one who was himself absolutely free. Most wonderfully did he conduct that fight. There was nothing in the eloquence of Demosthenes in Athens, of Cicero in Rome, of Mirabeau in France, of Pitt or Gladstone in England, that surpassed the force and grandeur of the philippics of Adams against American slavery. Alone, for the greater part of his service in Congress, he stood in the midst of his malignant assailants like a rock in a stormy sea. Old man that he was, plainly showing the inroads of physical weakness, he was in that body of distinguished and able men more than a match for any or all of his antagonists. He was always the old man eloquent. Says one of our leading historic
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 7: master strokes. (search)
al was opportune, for all England was watching the closing scene in the drama of West India Emancipation. He was an eye-witness of the crowning triumph of the English Abolitionists, viz., the breaking by Act of Parliament of the fetters of eight hundred thousand slaves. He was in time to greet his great spiritual kinsman, William Wilberforce, and to undeceive him in respect of the Colonization Society, before death claimed his body, and to follow him to his last resting-place by the side of Pitt and Fox, in Westminster Abbey. A highly interesting incident of this visit is best told in Mr. Garrison's own words. He said: On arriving in London I received a polite invitation by letter from Mr. Buxton to take breakfast with him. Presenting myself at the appointed time, when my name was announced, instead of coming forward promptly to take me by the hand, he scrutinized me from head to foot, and then inquired, Have I the pleasure of addressing Mr. Garrison, of Boston, in the Uni
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
se.] You remember they made the first William Pitt Earl of Chatham, and he went into eclipse in the House of Lords. Some one asked Chesterfield what had become of Pitt. He has had a fall up-stairs, was the answer. Governor Andrew or Judge Andrew sounds equally well. But I like the right man in the right place. The chief justisphere of government proves growth in the people, and is the seed of further growth. Civilization dwarfs political machinery. Without doubt, the age of Fox and Pitt was one in which the prejudices of courts and the machinery of cabinets had large sway. But how absurd to say even of Pitt and Fox that they shaped the fate of EnPitt and Fox that they shaped the fate of England. The inventions of Watt and Arkwright set free millions of men for the ranks of Wellington; the wealth they created clothed and fed those hosts; the trade they established necessitated the war, if it was at all or ever necessary. Berlin and Milan decrees would have smothered every man in England. The very goods they manuf
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
isers. Reconstruct this government, and for twenty years you can never elect a Republican. Presidents must be so wholly without character or principle, that two angry parties, each hopeless of success, contemptuously tolerate them as neutrals. Now I am not exaggerating the moment. I can parallel it entirely. It is the same position that England held in the times of Eldon and Fox, when Holcroft and Montgomery, the poet, Horne Tooke and Frost and Hardy, went into dungeons, under laws which Pitt executed and Burke praised,--times when Fox said he despaired of English liberty but for the power of insurrection,--times which Sidney Smith said he remembered, when no man was entitled to an opinion who had not £ 8,000 a year. Why! there is no right — do I exaggerate when I say that there is no single right?-which government is scrupulous and finds itself able to protect, except the pretended right of a man to his slaves! Every other right has fallen now before the necessities of the hour
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 11: first mission to England.—1833. (search)
ad brought him to England in season to witness the passage Lib. 3.163. by Parliament of the bill emancipating 800,000 slaves in the British West Indies, had in store for him an even more precious privilege. Three days after the reading of the bill for the second time in the House of Commons (July 26） It received the royal assent Aug. 28, 1833. Wilberforce breathed his last in London, and a week later still (August 5) his remains were interred in Westminster Abbey by the side of Fox and Pitt. In the unexampled train of mourners, behind princes of the blood-royal, prelates of the church, members of both London Breakfast to W. L. G., p. 47. Houses of Parliament, many of England's proudest nobility, and representatives of the intellect, virtue, philanthropy, and industry of the land—behind Wellington, Peel, Graham, Morpeth, Fowell Buxton, Lushington, Stanley, the Grattans—walked with his friend George Thompson the editor of the Liberator, the least observed and the least known o<
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