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John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 1: Theodore Roosevelt and the Abolitionists (search)
name by the Abolitionists goes very far to contradict Mr. Roosevelt's accusation against them of being regardless of the claims of political expediency. The writer has shown, as he believes, that without the preparatory work of the political Abolitionists there would have been no Republican party. He will now go a step further. He believes that without that preliminary service there would not only have been no Republican party, but no Civil War in the interest of free soil, no Emancipation Proclamation, no Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Federal Constitution. There might have been and probably would have been considerable discussion, ending in a protest, more or less ringing, when slavery was permitted to overstep the line marked out by the Missouri Compromise. There might even have been another settlement. But no such adjustment would have seriously impeded the northward march of the triumphant Slave Power. Indeed, in that event it is more than probable that ere
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 18: Lincoln and Emancipation (search)
enfranchised race must forever hail him as their liberator. Says Francis Curtis in his History of the Republican Party, in speaking of the President's Emancipation Proclamation: On the 1st day of January, 1863, the final proclamation of freedom was issued, and every negro slave within the confines of the United States was at las, he could not afford to let the quarrel go on and widen. There was need of conciliation. Something had to be done. We know what he did. He issued his Emancipation Proclamation. As far as freeing any slaves was concerned, he knew it amounted to very little, if anything. He said so. Less than two weeks before the preliminary evailed in the end, and with a decisiveness that proves it to have been feasible and sound from the beginning. Mr. Lincoln's most ultra prescription-his Emancipation Proclamation — was ineffective. If it was intended to eradicate slavery altogether, it was too narrow; if to free the slaves of Rebels only, it was too broad. So wi
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 20: Missouri (search)
Although sorely tempted, continues Mr. Taussig, I did not reply with the illustration of the dog whose tail was amputated by inches, but confined myself to arguments. The President announced clearly that, so far as he was at present advised, the Radicals in Missouri had no right to consider themselves the representatives of his views on the subject of emancipation in that State. The foregoing interview, it is well enough to state, was long after the issuance of Mr. Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. In addition to carrying the State for Mr. Lincoln, the Missouri Radicals carried it for themselves. They elected a constitutional convention that promptly passed an unconditional freedom ordinance. And thus terminated what is certainly one of the most notable contests in our political history, bringing about, as it did, the triumph of a reform of unquestionable value to civilization and humanity, which was accomplished by men working without patronage or other outside help, w
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 21: Missouri-continued (search)
blicans should be opposed. Chase was clearly the choice of those present, but no one had a plan to propose, and, while some committees were appointed, I never heard anything more of the matter. Two or three of those present on that occasion were in the nominating convention and quietly voted with the majority for Mr. Lincoln. The writer was the only one in both gatherings that maintained his consistency. All this, it is well enough to remember, was long after the President's Emancipation Proclamation had appeared. There was, however, another manifestation of the antagonism spoken of which the public, for some reason, never seemed to get on to, that at one time threatened very serious consequences, and which, if it had gone a little farther, might have materially changed the history of the country. That was a movement, after Mr. Lincoln's nomination, to compel him to retire from the ticket, or to confront him with a strong independent Republican candidate. According to Mess