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Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Atlantic Essays 9 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 2 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 4. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 2 0 Browse Search
Jula Ward Howe, Reminiscences: 1819-1899 2 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 20. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 18. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 2 0 Browse Search
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison 2 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 6. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 2 0 Browse Search
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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 152 (search)
of liberty. Few Englishmen or Americans will deny that the source of government is the consent of the governed, or that every nation has the right to govern itself according to its will. When the silent consent is changed to fierce remonstrance, the revolution is impending. The right of revolution is indisputable. It is written on the whole record of our race. British and American history is made up of rebellion and revolution. Many of the crowned kings were rebels or usurpers; Hampden, Pym, and Oliver Cromwell; Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, all were rebels. It is no word of reproach; but these men all knew the work they had set themselves to do. They never called their rebellion peaceable secession. They were sustained by the consciousness of right when they overthrew established authority, but they meant to overthrow it. They meant rebellion, civil war, bloodshed, infinite suffering for themselves and their whole generation, for they accounted them welcome substitutes fo
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Chapter 3: the figure (search)
custom has a historic basis, the struggle goes on in the form of constitutional law. The picture of the Reformer is always the picture of Courage and of Mercy: the courageous man who is, by his conduct, protecting the weak. It is this vision of courage and mercy in operation, that melts the heart and inspires new courage and mercy in the beholder. Here is the great question which stands behind all the details; for courage and mercy are of eternal importance. That is why we hear so much of Pym, Hampden, etc. Their conduct has a direct relation to present conditions. No day passes in which every man is not put to the test many times over, as to his personal relation towards the cowardices and cruelties of his own age. Mayor Otis saw nothing important in the episode which has given him a Dantesque immortality. He had never heard of the Liberator. He therefore, procured a copy of it. I am told, he said, that it is supported chiefly by the free colored people; that the number
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Letter to George Thompson (1839). (search)
ase! Let the light of your example shine constantly upon us, till our Church, beneath its rays, like Egypt's statue, shall break forth into the music of consistent action. England, too, is the fountain-head of our literature. The slightest censure, every argument, every rebuke on the pages of your reviews, strikes on the ear of the remotest dweller in our country. Thank God, that in this the sceptre has not yet departed from Judah, that it dwells still in the land of Vane and Milton, of Pym and Hampden, of Sharp and Cowper and Wilberforce:-- The dead but sceptred sovereigns, who still rule Our spirits from their urns. May those upon whom rests their mantle be true to the realms they sway! You have influence where we are not even heard. The prejudice which treads under foot the vulgar Abolitionist dares not proscribe the literature of the world. In the name of the slave, I beseech you, let literature speak out, in deep, stern, and indignant tones, for the press,-- li
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Atlantic Essays, A charge with Prince Rupert. (search)
ely that the Puritans believe him a familiar spirit, and try to destroy him by poyson and extempore prayer, which yet hurt him no more than the plague plaster did Mr. Pym. Failing in this, they pronounce the pretty creature to be a divell, not a very downright divell, but some Lapland ladye, once by nature a handsome white ladye, w that among the leading Parliamentary statesmen there were gay and witty debauchees,--that Harry Marten deserved the epithet with which Cromwell saluted him,--that Pym succeeded to the regards of Strafford's bewitching mistress,--that Warwick was truly, as Clarendon describes him, a profuse and generous profligate, tolerated by th pounds a year to promote public economy,--Hutchinson refusing a peerage and a fortune as a bribe to hold Nottingham Castle a little while for the King,--Eliot and Pym bequeathing their families to the nation's justice, having spent their all for the good cause. And rising to yet higher attributes, as they pass before us in the b
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Atlantic Essays, Mademoiselle's campaigns. (search)
ht in arsenic. War or peace hung on the color of a bail-dress, and Madame de Chevreuse knew which party was coming uppermost, by observing whether the binding of Madame de Hautefort's prayer-book was red or green. Perhaps it was all a little theatrical, but the performers were all Rachels. And behind the crimes and the frivolities stood the Parliaments, calm and undaunted, with leaders like Mole and Talon, who needed nothing but success to make their names as grand in history as those of Pym and Hampden. Among the Brienne Papers in the British Museum there is a collection of the manifestoes and proclamations of that time, and they are earnest, eloquent, and powerful, from beginning to end. Lord Mahon alone among historians, so far as my knowledge goes, has done fit and full justice to the French parliaments, those assemblies which refused admission to the foreign armies which the nobles would gladly have summoned in,--but fed and protected the banished princesses of England, whe
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Atlantic Essays, The Puritan minister. (search)
y blasted, and the peas to grow wormy. It is no wonder, that, when the witchcraft excitement came on, the Quakers called it a retribution for these things. But let us be just, even to the unjust. Toleration was a new-born virtue in those days, and one which no Puritan ever for a moment recognized as such, or asked to have exercised toward himself. In England they did not wish to be tolerated for a day as sectaries, for they claimed to have authority as the one true church. They held with Pym, that it is the duty of legislators to establish the true religion and to punish false, --a doctrine equally fatal, whether applied to enforce the right theology or the wrong. They objected to the Church of England, not that it persecuted, but that its persecution was wrongly aimed. It is, therefore, equally absurd to praise them for a toleration they never professed, and to accuse them of any inconsistency when they practised intolerance. They have been so loosely praised, that they are a
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 18. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 3 (search)
tone at the memory of the rebel Lee. Thank God, there are few, if any such, in the ranks of the brave soldiers who fought against him. But the passions and the prejudices which the war evoked will one day be buried in the grave of the long ago. The red rose and the white bloom side by side on fields once drenched with the blood of Lancaster and York; and though upon the return of the Stuart to the throne of his fathers the graves of the Puritans were despoiled of their dead, and the bodies of Pym and Blake dragged from Westminster Abbey and cast like rubbish into the church-yard of St. Margaret, yet to-day, could one produce but a link of the chain by which Cromwell's body was suspended from the gibbet on Tyburn Hill, it were prized as a precious relic worth a thousand times its weight in gold; for call him, as men may, rebel or lord protector, all England boasts of his name, his genius, and his glory, and her sons with equal pride trace their blood from the dashing cavaliers who rode
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 20. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.17 (search)
iar is lost or won; because it is not always true that the verdict of the generation in which the transaction has occurred is the verdict which posterity will pass upon the same struggle. It was two thousand years from the time when Arminius overwhelmed the legions of Varus in the Black Forest until the Teutons of a different age were enabled to erect a statue to him as the Father of the Fatherland; and when Charles II came to his own, who then supposed that the lost cause of Cromwell and of Pym and of Hampden was yet to blossom as the civilization of modern England, and the principles for which they fought to become nearly as universal as the wondrous tongue in which those principles were uttered seems to be destined to become. Now we know that the cause for which we fought, in a sense, is a lost cause. The formation of a separate Confederacy, bounded by the geographical boundaries of those States which attempted to establish it, has forever passed away. It would now be an anom
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The Confederate cause and its defenders. (search)
iced historian with new and more convincing proofs of the justice of our cause. What are thirty years in the life of a nation? It was nearly two thousand years from the time when Arminius overcame the legions of Varus in the Black Forest of Germany before a statue was reared to the memory of that victor, and he was called the Father of the Fatherland. It was less than two hundred years from the time when Charles the II came to his own, when the principles for which Cromwell and Hampden and Pym fought were recognized by all English speaking peoples, as the only ones on which constitutional liberty ever can rest. Our defenders. Having said so much about our cause, I have only time to add a few words about the defenders of that cause. And first, what shall I say, aye, what can I say, of the women of the South? For they were among the first, and will be the last defenders of that cause. I have no words in which to portray the admiration I feel, and the homage I would love to
Jula Ward Howe, Reminiscences: 1819-1899, Chapter 17: the woman suffrage movement (search)
, and so on, attracted many visitors. Her colleague in this charge was Mrs. Eveline M. Ordway. Through their efforts, the authors of these works permitted the presentation of them to the Ladies' Art Association of New Orleans. This gift was much appreciated. My management of the woman's department brought upon me some vulgar abuse from local papers, which was more than compensated for by the great kindness which I received from leading individuals in the society of the place. At the exposition I made acquaintance with many delightful people, among whom I will mention Captain Pym, who claimed to be the oldest Arctic voyager living, President Johnston of Tulane University, and Mrs. Townsend, a poet of no mean merit, who had had the honor of being chosen as the laureate of the opening exposition. When my duties as president were at an end, I parted from my late associates with sincere regret, and turned my face northward, with grateful affection for the friends left behind me.
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