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rom him, in all this crisis that betrayed any political aspiration or indicated the faintest ambition to succeed Johnson in the Presidency. I never saw him more angry than when unauthorized persons spoke to him as if he was likely to become a Presidential candidate, and if the three or four individuals whose intimacy he recognized ever mentioned the subject, he put it away and was evidently annoyed. Up to this time he never admitted to me that the event was probable, far less desirable. Rawlins told me that Grant refused to discuss the subject with him, and Mrs. Grant assured me that the idea was most distasteful to the General. Those who knew the influence she maintained with her great husband will believe that he could have had no such desire of which she was ignorant. Grant's constitutional reticence must be constantly kept in mind by those who wish to appreciate his character. Because he did not speak was no reason to suppose he did not think or feel. It seemed to him im
n another with less acrimony than the second, and which admitted the possibility of the President's misconstruction, but Rawlins, who was a politician by nature, and who had long foreseen the result of all the political complications, felt that at lent. The language was afterward considered and somewhat modified, but the sentiment remained, and this was suggested by Rawlins. This made the rupture with Johnson personal, and reconciliation impossible. It was a stroke of political genius, for uced the result. But not a word was said by any one present of the political tendencies or results of the situation. Rawlins knew that he was expressing Grant's own sentiment, and Grant instantly perceived this fact—and acquiesced. I never in direct and palpable and important an influence with him. It was instantaneous and absolute. It made him a Republican. Rawlins knew this. I could see it in his face and detect it in his tone. If Grant recognized it, he never admitted it to any o
her in an intellectual or a moral way. He seemed by nature utterly unobservant of the workings of his own mind and almost of the peculiarities of his own character. He never appeared to consider, much less to study, his own thoughts or emotions, unless something was done or said to call his attention to them—perhaps to disclose them to himself. One or two of his intimates were even able occasionally to utter or embody his feelings for him, so that he at once recognized and accepted them. Rawlins possessed this art, and to those who did not know all or see far, he sometimes seemed to put ideas into Grant. But he got them all first from Grant; and having a greater facility of expression could reveal them to him, or even impress them on their author. He never, however, claimed to originate them; nor did he ever discuss this singular power; he only exerted it; perhaps unconsciously, as Grant himself exerted his own faculties. The mirror in which a man's features are reflected may s
in here till about the close of September, I think you had better open the letters that have accumulated in Washington. Such as are on official subjects refer to Rawlins. All others do with as your judgment dictates, only do not send any to me except such as you think absolutely require my attention and will not keep till my retull Jones were the only politicians of note who saw him often during the canvass; but they were his intimate personal friends and in his confidence in many ways. Rawlins remained nearly the entire summer at the East. He wrote rarely, but was in constant communication with the political managers. He was without orders or express sanction from Grant for this course, but Grant knew that Rawlins was acting in his interest, just as he knew that I had written his history for the campaign. Comstock, one of the aides-de-camp, was also at Galena, but he abstained scrupulously from politics. He prided himself on being a soldier, pure and simple. Two instances
his new functions those who were expecting place or recognition at his hand became restive because he gave no intimation of his purposes. Every effort was made to obtain an insight into his plans, but without avail. He did not disclose even to Rawlins or Washburne—who had been his trusted intimates from the very beginning of his greatness—what he meant to do for or with them. Henry J. Raymond, the editor of the New York Times, was a warm, and, of course, an important supporter of Grant; he w most conspicuous in his career. One afternoon, about three weeks before the 4th of March, Grant wrote his inaugural address. I was alone with him in the room, and when he had finished he handed the paper to me. This was before the return of Rawlins from Connecticut, whither he had gone sick and almost heartbroken, because Grant withheld his confidence. The address was written at the first almost as it was afterward delivered. Grant told me to lock it up carefully, and it is within my kno
March, as nothing was said by Grant to either Rawlins or Washburne of their future, both became ill. Rawlins went off to Connecticut, and from there it was reported to Grant that he was dying. Gran him he was to be Secretary of War, whereupon Rawlins at once got very much better. But Washburne d the position of Secretary of the Interior. Rawlins, of course, was satisfied with his promised dbilities were better fitted for other posts. Rawlins had suggested Wilson's name, for after RawlinRawlins knew that he was himself to be a Cabinet Minister he felt free to offer advice on many points, any, which at one time seemed to have waned. Rawlins, however, was not to be Secretary of War imme as personal friends. At this juncture also, Rawlins was constantly urging that Grant should have f fact nearly every member of his Cabinet but Rawlins had to be urged to accept his place. Even ifd was followed before the end of the month by Rawlins, and in less than a year Akerman succeeded Ho
hem, which saved him a part of his mortification, but left the record in the archives of the Foreign Office of England. I was inexpressibly pained at this situation, for I was fond of Motley, as every one was who was thrown much with him. I knew how his proud spirit must have been stung, and I thought I knew how I could have saved him some of his suffering; but he did not offer me his confidence, and I could not intrude. About this time, only four months after my arrival in England, General Rawlins died. He had in his possession a number of important papers relating to General Grant which only he or I could arrange, as we were the only two who had made the matters to which they referred our study. It was very desirable that these papers should not fall into other hands, and I telegraphed at once to the President that unless he forbade I should return to America. This was in accordance with his permission to me when I left. I received no refusal and made ready to start, writing
more than once without any personal interest of his own. The Cuban danger, however, Fish fought from the beginning. Rawlins was very anxious to take sides with the Cubans in their struggle for independence, and others in the Cabinet followed hime. He therefore frowned upon all attempts to aid the insurgents. Grant at first leaned very strongly to the views of Rawlins, and there were many of the President's friends and advisers who concurred with the Secretary of War. At one time the issue was almost decided in favor of Rawlins, but the development of the English question gave Fish a powerful argument. He urged that with trouble on our hands with Spain, we could not possibly deal frankly and fearlessly with England; that the clahim, as it certainly did one or two of the Cabinet; and just when the cogency of the argument was felt by the President, Rawlins died. His mantle as the friend of Cuba fell on no Elisha. The insurgents never found another friend so powerful or ear
xico into an empire seemed to Grant a sequence, or rather an incident, of secession, and his concern did not abate until the expulsion of the French and the re-establishment of the republic. Upon Grant's assumption of the duties of President, Rawlins at first exercised great influence with him, and all that influence was in favor of an extension of territory. St. Domingo, Cuba, and the northern portion of Mexico—all— Rawlins would have been glad to incorporate into the Union. It was with aRawlins would have been glad to incorporate into the Union. It was with a view to the acquisition of a large slice of territory on the northern frontier of Mexico that the mission to that country was offered in 1869 to General Sickles. The acquisition was intended to be peaceful, by purchase, and with the entire consent of the neighboring state, for Grant would have been the last man to unfairly appropriate the domains of the friendly republic; he had disapproved the forcible extension of territory in the days of the annexation of Texas, and his relations with the
d the emancipation of the slaves in the Antilles, both Sickles and Rawlins held, were worthier objects of Grant's foreign policy. Rawlins,Rawlins, indeed, not only advocated intervention in the dispute between Cuba and the Mother Country, but was anxious to acquire the Island, and Grant himself was by no means averse to the idea. With these views, Rawlins suggested to Sickles the position of Minister to Spain, and the Secre chapters the difference of opinion between Secretary Fish and General Rawlins in regard to the policy that Grant should pursue toward Spain. While Rawlins was for recognition of the independence of Cuba and the speedy acquisition of the Island by the United States, Fish thought tn the way. But his assassination put an end to all these schemes. Rawlins also died in the first year of Grant's Administration, and the lost General Grant told me during the last months of his life that if Rawlins had lived, he believed Cuba would have been acquired by the United