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him to do it; Chap. XXXVII.} 1768. Oct. and continued saying He shall still be my pole star, Camden to the Countess of Chatham, 22 October, 1768. even while the emoluments of office were for a time attracting him to advise a public declaration from the King, that Townshend's revenue Act should be executed, and Boston, the ringleading Province, be chastised. Camden to Grafton, 4 Sept. or 4 Oct. 1768. The removal of Shelburne opened the Cabinet to the ignorant and incapable Earl of Rochford, who owed his selection to the mediocrity of his talents and the impossibility of finding a Secretary of State more thoroughly submissive. Frances to Choiseul, 29 Sept. 1768. He needed money, being so poor as to have once told Choiseul with tears in his eyes, that if he lost the embassy which he then filled, he should be without resources Choiseul to Frances, 21 Sept. 1768. He had a passion also to play a part, and in his moments of glorying, would boast of his intention to rival not
so, the avowed and persevering April. effort of England, to counterbalance the influence of France by a Northern Alliance. To the British Secretary of State, Du Chatelet endeavored to convey an adequate idea of the policy of Russia; but it was Rochford's fixed desire that the Empress should derive advantage from the war against the Turks, should be able to dispose of the whole North by main strength, or by predominant influence, and should then sanction an alliance with the Court of London. d Hawke, whom illness detained from Chap. XL.} 1769. May. the meeting, was of their opinion. Had not Grafton and Camden consented to remove Shelburne, the measure would have been carried, and American independence indefinitely postponed. But Rochford, the new Secretary, with Gower and Weymouth adhered to Hillsborough. The fearful responsibility of deciding fell to Lord North. Of a merciful disposition and of rare intelligence, he was known to be at heart for the repeal of the tax on tea.
will or ought to satisfy them. Such was the ultimatum of America, sent by one illustrious son of Boston for the guidance of another. But the Ministry would not be warned. The sense of the English people was manifestly with them; Compare Rochford to Stormont, 20 May, 1774; Burke to New-York, 6 April. they were persuaded that there was no middle way, that procrastination and irresolution had produced numberless evils, but never yet cured one; Compare Stormont to Rochford, 23 March, 177Rochford, 23 March, 1774. that the American Continent would not interpose to shield Boston from the necessity of submission. Arthur Lee to S. Adams, 18 March, 1774; Franklin to Cushing, 2 April, 1774; and Shelburne to Chatham, 3 Feb. 1774. On the seventh of March Dartmouth and North presented to the two Houses a message from the King. Nothing, said Lord North, can be done to reestablish peace without additional powers from Parliament.—The question now brought to issue, said Rice, on moving the Address, which
Chapter 17: He king Rejects the offers of congress. December, 1774—January, 1775. it will be easy to sow division among the delegates Chap. XVII.} 1774. Dec. to the congress, said Rochford to Garnier, they will do nothing but bring ridicule upon themselves by exposing their weakness. Their firmness, moderation, and unanimity took the ministry by surprise, when just before the adjournment of parliament their proceedings reached England. It is not at all for the interests of France that our colonies should become independent, repeated Rochford. The English minister, reasoned Garnier, thinks, that after all they may set up for themselves. Franklin invited the colonial agents to unite in presenting the petition of congress, but he was joined only by those who were employed by Massachusetts. Dartmouth received it courteously, and laid it before the king, who promised that after the recess it should be communicated to parliament. Barrington, the military secretary, was
thers; it is as lawful to resist the tyranny of many as of one. Somebody once asked the great Selden in what book you might find the law for resisting tyranny. It has always been the custom of England, answered Selden, and the custom of England is the law of the land. My lords, said Lord Gower with contemptuous sneers, let the Americans talk about their natural and divine rights! their rights as men and citizens! their rights from God and nature! I am for enforcing these measures. Rochford held Lord Chatham, jointly with the Americans, responsible in his own person for disagreeable consequences. Lyttelton reproached Chatham with spreading the fire of sedition, and the Americans with designing to Chap. XVIII.} 1775. Jan. 20. emancipate themselves from the act of navigation. Chatham closed the debate as he had opened it, by insisting on the right of Great Britain to regulate the commerce of the whole empire; but as to the right of the Americans to exemption from taxation,
of the committee of fifty-one, had been present when their letter of May in favor of a congress, was unanimously approved. The assembly, now in its seventh year, had long since ceased to represent the people; yet the friends to government plumed themselves on this victory, saying openly, No one among gentlemen dares to support the proceedings of congress; and Colden exclaimed, Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace. That one vote was worth a million sterling, said Garnier to Rochford with an air of patronage, on hearing the news, while he explained to Vergennes that the vote was to the ministry worth nothing at all, that New York was sure to act with the rest of the continent. The royalists hoped for a combined expression of opinion in the central states. In January, the Quakers of Pennsylvania published an epistle, declaring that the kingdom of Jesus Christ is not of this world, Chap. XIX.} 1775 Jan. and that they would religiously observe the rule not to fight;
ribed to nothing less than diabolical infatuation. The minister of France took the occasion to request the most rigorous and precise orders to all British naval officers not to annoy the commerce of the French colonies. Such orders, answered Rochford, have been given; and we have the greatest desire to live with you on the best understanding and the most perfect friendship. A letter from Lord Stormont, the British ambassador at Paris, was also cited in the house of lords to prove that Francm; Chatham proposed to repeal the Massachusetts acts; North was silent about them. Yet even this semblance of humanity was grudged. To recover his lost ground with the extreme supporters of authority, North was obliged to join with Suffolk and Rochford in publishing a paper declaring his intention to make no concessions. The army in Boston was to be raised to ten thousand men, and the general to be superseded on account of his incapacity to direct such a force. If fifty thousand men and tw
ts, and then a strong south-west wind that blew incessantly for several weeks, locked them up till the afternoon of the first of November. Three days after the arrival of the news of the Chap. XLVII.} 1775. July and Aug. Charlestown battle, Rochford, the secretary of state, called the attention of De Guines, the French ambassador, to the dispute with the colonies; and remarked that many persons of both parties were thoroughly persuaded that the way to terminate the war in America, was to deion, that England now, as before the last peace, was a match for Spain and France united; that, in the event of a war with those powers, America, through fear of the recovery of Canada by France, would give up her contest and side with England. Rochford repeated these remarks to the Spanish minister, from indiscretion, or in the hope to intimidate the two courts; but as the ministry had no object so dear as that of keeping their places, it followed that if the nation should clamor for an attack
ainst the remnant of a popular party in England. As to the colonies, the king would perish rather than consent to repeal the alterations in the charter of Massachusetts, or yield the absolute authority of parliament. The progress of these discussions was closely watched by the agents of France. Its ambassador, just after Penn's arrival, wrote of the king and his ministers to Vergennes: These people appear to me in a delirium; that there can be no conciliation we have now the certainty; Rochford even assures me once more, that it is determined to burn Chap. XLIX.} 1775. Aug. the town of Boston, and in the coming spring to transfer the seat of operations to New York. You may be sure the plan of these people is, by devastations to force back America fifty years if they cannot subdue it. Vergennes had already said: The cabinet of the king of England may wish to make North America a desert, but there all its power will be stranded; if ever the English troops quit the borders of the
Chapter 50: How George the Third Fared in his Bid for Russians. September, October—1775. the king's proclamation was a contemptuous defi- Chap. L.} 1775. Sept. ance of the opposition, alike of the party of Rockingham and the party of Chatham, as the instigators, correspondents, and accomplices of the American rebels. Party spirit was exasperated and embittered, and Rochford was heard repeatedly to foretell, that before the winter should pass over, heads would fall on the block. The king of England, said Wilkes, the lord mayor of London, in conversation at a public dinner, hates me; I have always despised him: the time is come to decide which of us understands the other best, and in what direction heads are to fall. The French statesmen who, with wonderful powers of penetration, analyzed the public men and their acts, but neither the institutions nor the people of England, complacently contrasted its seeming anarchy with their own happiness in living peacefully under a