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cation, to the city of New Orleans, and carry this resolution into effect, in an appropriate manner. Approved October 3, 1866. (Signed) J. W. Throckmorton. The question being upon the motion to amend the joint resolution by providing that a committee of the two Houses be charged, after the adjournment of the Legislature, with carrying the object of the resolution into effect, Senator Cook said: Mr. President, in moving this amendment to the resolution offered by the honorable Senator from Travis, I do so from the feeling that it is but a fitting tribute to the worth and greatness of the illustrious deceased. Instead of allowing the sacred duty of his reinterment to be devolved upon some irresponsible person, let it be done by the Legislature itself. Let the body of the admirable soldier be borne to its final grave by a joint committee of the representatives of the people of Texas. General Johnston always claimed the State of Texas as his home, and was looked upon
ors! As a general rule we suspect that a man who writes confirmed slip-slop, and is never easy unless he is gyrating absurdly through all the gymnastics of rhetoric is hardly a safe person to call to the rescue of an empire. It may be prudently assumed that a Senator of the United States is in no need of Mr. George Francis Train's instruction, and is quite above his reprehension-and for that matter, of his comprehension also. Mr. Train's only retort must be: Well, neither does the Honorable Senator comprehend me! --and for Mr. Train, the reply would be uncommonly just and sensible. Mr. Train charges the gentleman to whom he addresses this lurid letter with a damnable conspiracy against three races of men --against the Irish, by placing an inferior race alongside of them in the corn-field, and against the Negroes who will all be murdered by their masters, according to Mr. G. F. T., unless the Abolitionists cease their provocations. But one of Mr. Train's vaticinations fortunat
d that has been — peace, peace, peace. War never, never, never, as a remedy for any supposed grievance. But how different was the tone of the speech of the honorable Senator from Tennessee, (Mr. Johnson.) Causes of complaint I know he has, and I sympathize with him in his afflictions. Would I had the power to lift the load of sos to my association with them, forgetting, at the same time, his own. History, facts. and living witnesses, repel this absurd and unfounded accusation. The honorable Senator from Maryland, (Mr. Kennedy,) moved by a sense of justice to arrive at the truth, vindicates history in his late speech on some of these points. He well rechat fact cannot be disguised. I make no complaint. I do not feel that my personal rights are involved in this controversy, and when this blow comes, as the honorable Senator from New-York has announced it will come, I, sir, shall wrap my robes about me and take it. Let it come. I may fall as the gallant — the brave — the chivalr<
the resolutions then adopted, and to show that they went further than the honorable Senator from Kentucky has stated. I take it for granted, from the date to which the honorable Senator has alluded, he means the resolutions introduced by the honorable Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun], not now in his seat, and to which honorable Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun], not now in his seat, and to which the Senator from Kentucky proposed certain amendments. Of the resolutions introduced by the Senator from South Carolina, I will read the fifth in the series, that to which the honorable Senator from Kentucky must have alluded. It is in these words: Resolved, That the intermeddling of any State or States, or their citizens, These constitute with me two great objections to the propositions of the honorable Senator from Kentucky; but, without stating all the objections that I have, and tother occasion, I desire at present merely to notice the assertion of the honorable Senator, that slavery would never under any circumstances be established in Calif
is not to be obtained, and those who live by their labor get no money; property of every description has depreciated until it is almost worthless; in the seceded States, Union men are driven penniless from their homes, or ranged; and all this, Mr. Senator from McCracken, that peaceable secession may go on, and that politicians may fill offices. And after you gentlemen bring all these calamities upon us, you falsely say that Lincoln did it, and that we Union men are abolitionists and aid him. Btucky may be overrun and trodden under foot, and her soil may be drenched in blood, but the Union will never, never be dissolved. I have never had a doubt on this subject, never. I know we must suffer, but we must preserve the Union. You, Mr. Senator from McCracken, are a sanguine man. You think the Union is destroyed. Well, you sometimes err. I believe you had a correspondence with Uncle Abe, in which you committed a glaring error. But that was only a semi-official correspondence, and p
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.35 (search)
itutional, and yet these Governors refused to execute it. On the 7th of January, 1861, more than two weeks after South Carolina had passed her ordinance of secession, Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, in a speech in the Senate, said: The Supreme Court has decided that by the Constitution we have a right to go to the territories and be protected with our property. Mr. Lincoln says he does not care what the Supreme Court decides, he will turn us out anyhow. He says this in his debate with the Honorable Senator from Illinois, Mr. Dunlap. I have it before me. He said he would vote against the decision of the Supreme Court. This charge against Mr. Lincoln was never denied by himself or friends. Instances of disregard of the Constitution by those sworn to observe it, might be readily multiplied, but I only want to make prominent the principles moving the South to its course Having seen our rights under and by the Constitution, I will turn attention to that course. The Southern States
d waterish. Mr. James Lyons supported the resolutions as they were, and urged their adoption. He approved the course of South Carolina--believed she was right — and, for one, was ready to sustain her to the last dollar he had. Dr. Garnett advocated the preamble and resolutions of the committee, and thought them sufficiently strong. The question was then taken on Mr. Cocke's substitute, and it was voted down. The report of the committee was then put to vote and adopted. Wms. Wickham, Esq. Senator from Henrico and Hanover, briefly adjure and the --He fully concurred in the sentiment of the preamble and resolution just adopted. He did not think a Southern Convention was the best mode of setting our differences. He thought a National Convention the better mode, for by that suitable amendments might be made to the Constitution, by the aid of the middle States, and the extremes North, who failed to concur, might be cut off. The meeting then adjourned.
ptly complied with, and the documents were duly inspected, not without some perplexity in the mind of the Senator; for two of his personal and political friends, both highly respectable and competent men, were, as appeared from the papers, about "neck and neck" in the race for office, so far as influential signatures on either side could make them so. But suddenly a light dawned upon the Senator. A neatly written note in a lady's handwriting came to view, applying for office in her own behalf, and giving but a single name as reference, and that the name of the honorable Senator himself. He had known her deceased husband intimately and most favorably for many years, and was no stranger to the young widow herself. After a moment's reflection he carefully returned the delicate missive to its place, and made the following laconic endorsement upon the papers: "I go for Nancy." Nancy was, of course, appointed, and is still faithfully serving the public in the capacity of Postmistress.
nevitable disunion; and let the war continue twelve months, and you must have three separate confederacies; continue it twelve months longer, and you will have four different confederacies. I shall not speak longer. I know that my remarks are received by the Senate with sneers; we are here to give our records, and I am here to fearlessly place mine. History will show which of us are right, and if my name is mentioned it will be along with yours. Mr. Baker said he would like the honorable Senator from Kentucky to name a single unconstitutional provision of the bill. Mr. Breckinridge.--All except the last. Mr. Baker.--Specify one. Mr. Breckinridge.--They are all so atrocious that I dislike to discriminate. Mr. Baker--Will the Senator name one. Mr. Breckinridge.--There are ten of them I will send the bill and the Senator can select from them at his discretion. The vote was then taken on the motion to postpone, and resulted, ayes 16 noes 28. The Sena
nion will be speedily restored. But if you attempt the exercise of an unconstitutional power by the liberation of their slaves, you will strike down every loyal man in the slaveholding States, and there will not one be left to tell the story of the Union. I am willing to trust to the President as an honest patriot, who told us in the beginning, and who tells us now, that, by virtue of his oath, he must preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution. Mr. Lane--Do I understand the honorable Senator to express the opinion that it is the constitutional duty of this Government to maintain the slaves of rebels and traitors in arms, and restore them if they escape? Mr. Carlile--My opinion as to what the duty of the Government is goes just as far as its constitutional obligation, and no further. At the time of the adoption of that Constitution, twelve States were nominally slaveholding, and the exigencies of the times demanded that they should adapt themselves to circumstances, a
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