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HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks), Chapter 2: (search)
penalty of £ 5 fine, to their Majesties for their respective defaults of each of the said towns; and then to make return of their doings therein to the next General Sessions of the Peace for Middlesex; and that for the future it shall be left to the determination of the law. This decision was not palatable to the defendants. tmen for Mistick Bridge. The bridge was now rebuilt; but the adjoining towns refused to pay their shares, and Medford voted to carry the question before the General Sessions of the Peace, sitting at Charlestown. The object of this appeal was to show from records that there was no valid reason for the refusal of the neighboring t final settlement were Deacon Thomas Willis, Ensign John Bradshaw, and Mr. Ebenezer Brooks. The appeal of Medford was just, and it was met by the Court of General Sessions of the Peace, sitting at Charlestown, Feb. 16, 1715, thus : The Court apportion the charges of rebuilding Mistick Bridge as follows: Charlestown, £ 64. 14s.;
HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks), Chapter 6: ecclesiastical history. (search)
and, if he continues among us after this manner, there will be a foundation laid for endless confusion and contention in this languishing town: for these and other such considerations, the town do declare themselves highly dissatisfied at Mr. Woodbridge's late irregular attempts and actions about gathering a church, and do protest against his going on in the offensive way he is in, and do forbid his preaching any more in their public meeting-house. Mr. Woodbridge now appealed to the General Sessions of Peace at Charlestown. Their reply was, that Mr. Woodbridge is not a settled minister in Medford. Fourteen citizens immediately entered their protest against this decision. He next appealed to Governor Dudley and his Council; and the result there was expressed in these words: That Mr. Woodbridge should not preach till he had made acknowledgments to the aggrieved parties. July, 1705: A council of six churches was called, to convince of, and testify against, those evils which have
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Veto (search)
nts. Canal StockPocketed. 14July 10, 1832Extension of Charter of United States Bank. 15Dec. 6, 1832Interest of State ClaimsPocketed. 16Dec. 6, 1832River and HarborPocketed. 17Dec. 4, 1833Proceeds of Land SalesPocketed. Bills vetoed by the Presidents—Continued. President.No.Date. Subject of Bill. Remarks. Jackson, 12 18Dec. 1, 1834Internal Improvements, Wabash RiverPocketed. 19March 3, 1835Compromise Claims against the Two Sicilies. 20June 9, 1836Regulations for Congressional Sessions. 21March 3, 1837Funds Receivable from United States RevenuePocketed. Tyler 9 22Aug. 16, 1841Incorporating Fiscal Bank. 23Sept. 9, 1841Incorporating Fiscal Corporation. 24June 29, 1842First Whig Tariff. 25Aug. 9, 1842Second Whig Tariff. 26Dec. 14, 1842Proceeds of Public Land SalesPocketed. 27Dec. 14, 1842Testimony in Contested ElectionsPocketed. 28Dec. 18, 1842Payment of Cherokee CertificatesPocketed. 29June 11, 1844River and Harbor. 30Feb. 20, 1845Revenue-cutters and Steamers for
Elias Nason, The Life and Times of Charles Sumner: His Boyhood, Education and Public Career., Chapter 10: (search)
Chapter 10: Mr. Sumner's Tribute to Mr. Downing. his speech at Lowell. his speech respecting Armories. Mr. Sumner as a Correspondent. his Letters. the Pacific Railroad. Secret Sessions of the Senate. his election to Massachusetts Constitutional Convention, 1853. his speech on Military Affairs. on the basis of Representation. on the Bill of rights. a finger point from Plymouth rock. reply to Mr. Douglas. a day of trial. Landmark of freedom. importance of the question at issue. iniquity of the slave system. plea for the Missouri Compromise. the future of the anti-slavery cause. Commendatory Letters. speech on the final passage of the Kansas and Nebraska Bill. defence of the clergy. excitement in Boston. Mr. Sumner's life in Peril. his Fearlessness. Prediction of George Livermore. Still groan the suffering millions in their chains; Still is the arm of the oppressor strong; Still Liberty doth bleed at all her veins; And few are they who side
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
all the Pro-Slavery journals of the North, for having, as was alleged, even in the burial-service of the dead, mingled his sectional hate and personal wrath. But William Lloyd Garrison, in alluding to this, well said: When there is howling in the pit, there is special rejoicing in heaven. Xx. Nearly ten years before, when Mr. Sumner first entered the Senate, he had presented a Resolution for a Revision and Consolidation of the National Statutes, and on many occasions at succeeding Sessions, he brought it forward, all without avail. At last, in his message, December 3, 1861, Mr. Lincoln having recommended the measure, Mr. Sumner again brought forward the old resolution, on which he said:—Something in earnest, sir, must be done. The ancient Roman laws, when first codified, were so cumbersome that they made a load for several camels. Ours swell to twelve heavy volumes, too expensive to be afforded by any except the few, while they should be in every public library and law off
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Xx. (search)
Xx. Nearly ten years before, when Mr. Sumner first entered the Senate, he had presented a Resolution for a Revision and Consolidation of the National Statutes, and on many occasions at succeeding Sessions, he brought it forward, all without avail. At last, in his message, December 3, 1861, Mr. Lincoln having recommended the measure, Mr. Sumner again brought forward the old resolution, on which he said:—Something in earnest, sir, must be done. The ancient Roman laws, when first codified, were so cumbersome that they made a load for several camels. Ours swell to twelve heavy volumes, too expensive to be afforded by any except the few, while they should be in every public library and law office throughout the country. He advocated the reducing them to a single volume, as the cumbersome laws of Massachusetts had been, and of which the people of that State had purchased upwards of ten thousand copies. I hope, sir, there will be no objection founded on the condition of the country.
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, chapter 13 (search)
ed the State House simply to address the sessions of the Committee on Constitutional Amendments, and who would have been perfectly ready to take all that part of the business off our hands. I find in my notebook that one of these, an Irishman, once said to us, with the headlong enthusiasm of his race, Before I say anything on this subject, let me say a word or two! In a question of integral calculus, you must depend on some one who can solve it. Now I have solved this question of Biennial Sessions, this being the subject under consideration, and you must depend on me. Working men, as a rule, have what may be called a moral sense. Moral sense is that which enables us to tell heat from cold, to tell white from yellow: that is moral sense. Moral sense tells us right from wrong. Then followed an address with more of fact and reasoning than one could possibly associate with such an introduction, but ending with the general conclusion, It [the biennial method] would give more power to
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
measure which the Committee, by implication, condemned as not strictly consistent with morality and the rights of citizenship. While, however, the Society stood uncommitted as to its deliberations, and would not be bound by the previously expressed opinions of any of its members, neither would it be deterred from taking action for itself by any threats of violence. These newspaper threats were immediately reenforced by the charge of Judge Mordecai Manuel Noah, of the New York Court of Sessions, to the Grand Jury, to wit: that if, in spite of the above circular disclaimer, the convention should actually attempt to discuss a project embracing a dissolution of our happy form of government (which discussion would evidently tend to a disastrous breach of the public peace), it would be their duty to indict the agitators (Lib. 12: 71). The Court meant to convince any body of men making this city the theatre of their deliberations, that their objects and intentions must be strictly legal
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1, Chapter 15: the Circuits.—Visits in England and Scotland.—August to October, 1838.—age, 27. (search)
asure to be able to receive you here [Wortley Hall], and I think I may take the opportunity of saying as much for Lord Fitzwilliam, if I may judge from a few hurried words which we had together after some business in Sheffield the other day. He was troubled during my stay with severe rheumatism. He is a man of great simplicity of manners and of strong common sense, with a great practical turn. Sir Robert Inglis told me that I must not fail to see Lord Wharncliffe presiding at the Quarter Sessions, which are held with a jury, and dispose of all crimes where the punishment is under transportation for life, and also of all the cases under the poor laws. For thirty years his Lordship has been chairman, and is said to have discharged these important duties in such a manner as to distinguish him among all the magistrates of England. I have had the good fortune to sit by his side on the bench. I need not tell you that Lord W. is a thorough Tory, and so are all his family. He inquired a
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 6. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Historical papers (search)
of one tenth of the population of Ireland upon the necks of the remainder. A Catholic peer could not sit in the House of Peers, nor a Catholic commoner in the House of Commons. A Catholic could not be Lord Chancellor, or Keeper, or Commissioner of the Great Seal; Master or Keeper of the Rolls; Justice of the King's Bench or of the Common Pleas; Baron of the Exchequer; Attorney or Solicitor General; King's Sergeant at Law; Member of the King's Council; Master in Chancery, nor Chairman of Sessions for the County of Dublin. He could not be the Recorder of a city or town; an advocate in the spiritual courts; Sheriff of a county, city, or town; Sub-Sheriff; Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy, or other governor of Ireland; Lord High Treasurer; Governor of a county; Privy Councillor; Postmaster General; Chancellor of the Exchequer or Secretary of State; Vice Treasurer, Cashier of the Exchequer; Keeper of the Privy Seal or Auditor General; Provost or Fellow of Dublin University; nor Lord Mayor
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