Named Entity Results, W. H. Seward

m any of the United States, at the option of their owners. This was the position generally taken by the Southern men true to their own people, and not looking forward to what, even at that early day, made a politician too cosmopolitan to serve his own State faithfully, a national reputation; otherwise, a candidate for the Presidency. Notwithstanding the great effort made by the free State party, the South was still, with all the defections from their ranks, strong enough to defeat Mr. Seward's revival of the Wilmot Proviso resolution. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude otherwise than by conviction for crime, shall ever be allowed in either of said Territories of Utah and New Mexico. This was defeated by an almost strictly Southern vote; five only being from the West and North. Yeas, 23; Nays, 33. In the light that forty years have shed upon this struggle, it is interesting to recall a portion of an address presented to the Southern people by an organized meeting

On F Street it was so deep that Mrs. Henry Wayne, a dear friend and opposite neighbor, could not cross the street without the assistance of men to beat down the snow, and these could not be procured. Mr. Pierce was nearly an hour getting a square and a half, to inquire for me; he would not send a servant, for, said he, they have no personal interest to urge them on, and would never have made their way this far. He reached our house exhausted, having sunk above his waist several times. Mr. Seward heard that I was at the point of death, and that the lady, a near neighbor of his, who was nursing me with Mrs. Wayne, could not get a carriage to bring her to our door at the corner of F and Fourteenth Street. Though he did not know us, he had his own fine horses harnessed to a sleigh, and brought Mrs. Hetzel to me-but with broken harness and at some peril. This service introduced him to us, and after all those long years of bitter feuds, I thank him as sincerely as my husband did to the

were Lord and Lady Napier in Washington. Mr. Seward came for an hour daily, and sometimes ofteneudience is inattentive or seems ill at ease. Mr. Seward said, I do not, it is rather a relief to me ny liberties of expression with him, I said, Mr. Seward, how can you make, with a grave face, those North. Mr. Davis said, very much shocked at Mr. Seward's answer, But, Mr. Seward, do you never speaMr. Seward, do you never speak from conviction alone? Nev-er, answered he. Mr. Davis raised up his blindfolded head, and with mujudge, I never spoke from any other motive. Mr. Seward put his arm about him and gently laid down hroat had been for some time pretty well; but Mr. Seward came daily until the day Mr. Davis was takente on an appropriation for the coast survey. Mr. Seward and I both objected earnestly, but Mr. Daviss gentle and perfect work. After many weeks Mr. Seward said he might, with the practice of a racont the most prejudiced of his antagonists. Mr. Seward's was a problematical character full of con

er to repeat, has been employed to consecrate his memory. The members of the Senate and House who were implicated in any degree in giving John Brown aid and comfort were interrogated by a committee of each house in a secret examination, and Mr. Seward was proved to have subscribed money; but he asserted that he had no idea that Brown intended to use it for such purposes as his raid unveiled. In the height of this turmoil, while peace and war trembled in the balance, Hinton Helper, a man within the Union, against slavery. Although public opinion on that question was practically solidified in the Eastern States, and wholly so in the South, it had been hitherto only formative in the Middle and Western States. About this time Mr. Seward came forward into greater prominence, and became the most noted leader of the Republican party. Mr. Buchanan said: He was much more of a politician than a statesman, without strong convictions; he understood the art of preparing in his closet a

elves in the worst form of civil war, with the Government utterly unprepared for it. General Scott, after asking me how the details could be arranged in so short a time, and receiving my suggestion that Mr. Lincoln should be advised quietly to take the evening train, and that it would do him no harm to have the telegraph wires cut for a few hours, he directed me to seek Mr. W. H. Seward, to whom he wrote a few lines, which he handed me. It was already ten o'clock, and when I reached Mr. Seward's house he had left: I followed him to the Capitol, but did hot succeed in finding him until after 12 M. I handed him the General's note; he listened attentively to what I said, and asked me to write down my information and suggestions, and then, taking the paper I had written, he hastily left. The note I wrote was what Mr. Frederick Seward carried to Mr. Lincoln in Philadelphia. Mr. Lincoln has stated that it was this note which induced him to change his journey as he did. The storie

Doc. 127. the Coast defences. Gov. Curtin's reply to Secretary Seward. The following is a copy of the letter addressed by Gov. Curtin to Secretary Seward, in reply to his circular on coast defences: Pennsylvania Executive Chamber, Harrisburg, November 2, 1861. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.: sir: I received, a few days since, an envelope, apparently from the Department of State, at Washington, enclosing a slip from a newspaper, purporting to be a coSecretary Seward, in reply to his circular on coast defences: Pennsylvania Executive Chamber, Harrisburg, November 2, 1861. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.: sir: I received, a few days since, an envelope, apparently from the Department of State, at Washington, enclosing a slip from a newspaper, purporting to be a copy of a letter from you to the Governor of New York. This mode of communicating advice by the Government of the United States to the State authorities is so unusual, that I am, perhaps, not quite justified in assuming, as I do, that the communication is authentic. I am glad to learn that the prospect of a disturbance of our amicable relations with foreign countries is now less serious than it has been at any period during the course of the insurrection. The duty of taking precaution against