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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 342 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 180 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 178 2 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 168 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 122 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 118 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 118 2 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 106 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 102 2 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 97 3 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for William H. Seward or search for William H. Seward in all documents.

Your search returned 60 results in 14 document sections:

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e. Another circumstance had great influence in causing Lincoln's defeat. Douglas's opposition to the Lecompton Constitution in Congress had won him great sympathy among a few Republican leaders in the Eastern States. It was even whispered that Seward wished Douglas to succeed as a strong rebuke to the Buchanan administration. The most potent expression and influence of this feeling came, however, from another quarter. Senator Crittenden of Kentucky, who, since Clay's death in 1852, was thelso in the decided success which the Ohio Republicans gained at the polls. About the same time, also, Douglas printed a long political essay in Harper's Magazine, using as a text quotations from Lincoln's House divided against itself speech, and Seward's Rochester speech defining the irrepressible conflict. Attorney-General Black of President Buchanan's cabinet here entered the lists with an anonymously printed pamphlet in pungent criticism of Douglas's Harper essay; which again was followed b
mbled in it to witness the proceedings. William H. Seward of New York was recognized as the leadinajority of the convention would have preferred Seward; but in the four pivotal States there were many voters who believed Seward's antislavery views to be too radical. They shrank apprehensively frosed that they could not carry their States for Seward, and that would mean certain defeat if he werepreliminaries, when Mr. Evarts nominated William H. Seward of New York for President, they greeted but two names stood out in marked superiority: Seward, who had received one hundred and seventy-thregation alone had contributed seventy votes to Seward's total, they would have understood that outsithe result of the second ballot was announced: Seward, one hundred and eighty-four and one half, Lin and thirty-three were necessary to a choice. Seward had lost four and one half, Lincoln had gainedred, Mr. Evarts, speaking for New York and for Seward, moved to make the nomination unanimous, and M[1 more...]
w President had appointed as his cabinet William H. Seward, Secretary of State; Salmon P. Chase, Serate States. They were promptly informed by Mr. Seward that he could not receive them; that he did st entreaties that peace should be maintained, Seward informed him confidentially that the military d clearer convictions and purposes than either Seward or Chase. And upon the newer question of seceit. It is not in my especial province, wrote Mr. Seward; but I neither seek to evade nor assume respr place and perform your duties. Why William H. Seward, who is fairly entitled to rank as a grehole affair. His reply ended the argument. Mr. Seward doubtless saw at once how completely he had ed to the incident. No other persons except Mr. Seward's son and the President's private secretary inet had a master, for only some weeks later Mr. Seward is known to have written: There is but one vn. When, near the close of the war, he sent Mr. Seward to meet the rebel commissioners at the Hampt[3 more...]
centration at Harper's Ferry concentration at Fortress Monroe and Cairo English neutrality Seward's 21st-of May despatch Lincoln's Corrections preliminary skirmishes forward to Richmond e new minister to England, arrived in London and obtained an interview with Lord John Russell, Mr. Seward had already received several items of disagreeable news. One was that, prior to his arrival, Under the irritation produced by this hasty and equivocal action of the British government, Mr. Seward wrote a despatch to Mr. Adams under date of May 21, which, had it been sent in the form of theeat of indignation, was so blunt and exasperating as to imply intentional disrespect. When Mr. Seward read the document to President Lincoln, the latter at once perceived its objectionable tone, aring it within all the dignity and reserve of the most studied diplomatic courtesy. If, after Mr. Seward's remarkable memorandum of April i, the Secretary of State had needed any further experience t
Chapter 18. Blockade Hatteras Inlet Port Royal captured the Trent affair Lincoln Suggests arbitration Seward's despatch McClellan at Washington army of the Potomac McClellan's quarrel with Scott retirement of Scott Lincoln's memorandum-all quiet on the Potomac conditions in Kentucky Cameron's visit ure of the international question involved, and the serious dilemma of disavowal or war precipitated by the imperative British demand. It was fortunate that Secretary Seward and Lord Lyons were close personal friends, and still more that though British public opinion had strongly favored the rebellion, the Queen of England enterthe necessities of the moment, it was impossible to adopt this procedure. Upon full discussion, it was decided that war with Great Britain must be avoided, and Mr. Seward wrote a despatch defending the course of Captain Wilkes up to the point where he permitted the Trent to proceed on her voyage. It was his further duty to have
be related. The gloomy outlook at the beginning of the year has already been mentioned. Finding on January 10 that General McClellan was still ill and unable to see him, he called Generals McDowell and Franklin into conference with himself, Seward, Chase, and the Assistant Secretary of War; and, explaining to them his dissatisfaction and distress at existing conditions, said to them that if something were not soon done, the bottom would be out of the whole affair; and if General McClellan d the havoc she had wrought the previous afternoon — the Cumberland sunk, the Congress surrendered and burned, the Minnesota aground and about to be attacked. There was a quick gathering of officials at the Executive Mansion-Secretaries Stanton, Seward, Welles, Generals McClellan, Meigs, Totten, Commodore Smith, and Captain Dahlgren-and a scene of excitement ensued, unequaled by any other in the President's office during the war. Stanton walked up and down like a caged lion, and eager discussio
Scott Pope assigned to command Lee's attack on McClellan retreat to Harrison's Landing Seward sent to New York Lincoln's letter to Seward Lincoln's letter to McClellan-.Lincoln's visit tSeward Lincoln's letter to McClellan-.Lincoln's visit to McClellan Halleck made General-in chief Halleck's visit to Mc Clellan withdrawal from Harrison's Landing Pope assumes command second battle of Bull Run the cabinet protest McClelst important action was to begin the formation of a new army. On the same day he sent Secretary of State Seward to New York with a letter to be confidentially shown to such of the governors of Statecondition of the Army of the Potomac was not as desperate as at first had seemed. The result of Seward's visit to New York is shown in the President's letter of July 2, answering McClellan's urgent could be discourteous and unfriendly to the President to adopt such a course. They did not go to Seward and Blair, apparently believing them to be friendly to McClellan, and therefore probably unwilli
herein the constitutional authority of the United States shall not then be practically recognized, submitted to, and maintained, shall then, thenceforward, and forever be free. Mr. Lincoln had given a confidential intimation of this step to Mr. Seward and Mr. Welles on the day following the border State interview, but to all the other members of the cabinet it came as a complete surprise. Blair thought it would cost the administration the fall elections. Chase preferred that emancipation should be proclaimed by commanders in the several military districts. Seward, approving the measure, suggested that it be postponed until it could be given to the country supported by military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case then, upon the greatest disasters of the war. Mr. Lincoln's recital continues: The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of State struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely
rm had been turned by his friends into an indorsement of the administration. And, indeed, this was most just, since from the beginning President Lincoln and Mr. Seward had done all in their power to discourage the presence of foreign troops on Mexican territory. When a joint expedition by England, France, and Spain had been aemanded by those countries for outrages against their subjects, England had invited the United States to be a party to the convention. Instead, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward attempted to aid Mexico with a sufficient sum to meet these demands, and notified Great Britain of their intention to do so, and the motives which prompted themepublic. While giving utterance to no expressions of indignation at the aggressions, or of gratification at disaster which met the aggressor, the President and Mr. Seward continued to assert, at every proper opportunity, the adherence of the American government to its traditional policy of discouraging European intervention in th
upremacy of the Constitution; all other questions to be settled in a convention of the people of all the States. Mr. Lincoln answered this patiently and courteously, framing, to give point to his argument, an experimental draft of instructions with which he proposed, in case such proffers were made, to send Mr. Raymond himself to the rebel authorities. On seeing these in black and white, Raymond, who had come to Washington to urge his project, readily agreed with the President and Secretaries Seward, Stanton, and Fessenden, that to carry it out would be worse than losing the presidential contest: it would be ignominiously surrendering it in advance. Nevertheless, wrote an inmate of the White House, the visit of himself and committee here did great good. They found the President and cabinet much better informed than themselves, and went home encouraged and cheered. The Democratic managers had called the national convention of their party to meet on the fourth of July, 1864;
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