hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 342 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 180 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 178 2 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 168 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 122 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 118 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 118 2 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 106 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 102 2 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 97 3 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for William H. Seward or search for William H. Seward in all documents.

Your search returned 60 results in 14 document sections:

1 2
acts consented to, or stipulated for, by our fathers, we are unable longer to commit them. Take our property, if you think yourselves entitled to it; but allow us to be faithful to our convictions of duty and the promptings of humanity. Governor Seward, in his speech of March 11, 1850, on Freedom in the Territories, forcibly set forth the true and manly Northern ground on this subject, as follows: The law of nations disavows such compacts; the law of nature, written on the hearts and cdard, and must stand or fall by it. To conclude on this point: We are not slaveholders. We can not, in our judgment, be either true Christians or real freemen, if we impose on another a chain that we defy all human power to fasten on ourselves.--Seward's Works, vol. i., p. 66. General Charles C. Pinckney, in laying the Federal Constitution before the Convention of South Carolina, which assembled January 15, 1788, to pass upon it, made a speech, in which he dwelt with reasonable and justifi
sregard them. Entertaining these views, I cannot sanction, and will not condemn, the step you have taken. Your justification must be looked for in the character of the papers detained, and the circumstances by which you are surrounded. Governor Seward has been widely charged and credited with the authorship of the higher law doctrine; but here we find it clearly set forth in a grave Democratic State paper, fifteen years before he uttered it. And it is yet far older than this. General lmost electric frenzy, which, in all ages and nations, has hurried on the infuriated multitude to deeds of death and destruction — then, I say, act not at all in the matter; the case then transcends Higher law again--fourteen years ahead of Gov. Seward. your jurisdiction — it is beyond the reach of human law!!! On this charge, Mr. Lovejoy commented with entire unreserve; whereupon a mob surrounded and tore down his office — although, in the issue which contained his strictures, he had an<
Xv. The Compromise of 1850. Gov. Seward James Brooks Gen. Taylor Henry Clay Jefferson Davis Webster's 7th of March speech the Texas job. Gen. Congress, led by such determined Slavery Restrictionists as Mr. Webster and Gov. Seward, would insure his political adhesion to the right side. Many acted or voted they would only make that the Whig party with Martin Van Buren at its head. Gov. Seward In his speech at Cleveland, Ohio, October 26, 1848, Gov. Seward said: Gov. Seward said: A sixth principle is, that Slavery must be abolished. I think these are the principles of the Whigs of the Western Reserve of Ohio. <*> am not now to say for thepopularity on the part of the new Administration. Neither Mr. Webster nor Gov. Seward had a seat in Gen. Taylor's Cabinet, though either, doubtless, might have har remained in the Senate, where Messrs. Clay and Calhoun still lingered, and Gov. Seward first took his seat in that body on the day of Gen. Taylor's inauguration.
ted by Mr. Douglas, was debated at length, and ably, by Messrs. Douglas and several others in favor and by Messrs. Chase, Seward, Sumner, Wade, and others, in opposition. But the disparity in numbers between its supporters and its opponents was too s: Yeas — Fessenden and Hamlin, of Maine; Sumner, of Massachusetts; Foot, of Vermont; Smith, of Connecticut; Fish and Seward, of New York; Chase and Wade, of Ohio; Dodge (Henry), of Wisconsin--10. Nays — Norris and Williams, of New Hampshire; eir own Governor as well as Legislature,--which was rejected; Yeas 10; Messrs. Chase, Fessenden, Foot, Hamlin, Norris, Seward, Shields, Smith, Sumner, Wade--10. Nays 30. So far, the bill had been acted on as in Committee of the Whole. On comine part in the Southern Rebellion, a bill admitting her as a Free State under the Wyandot Constitution was called up by Gov. Seward, and passed the Senate: Yeas 36; Nays 16. One week later, on motion of Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, it was taken up in t
n against it. But he was too earnest a man, and too devout a Christian, to rest satisfied with the only action against Slavery consistent with one's duty as a citizen, according to the usual Republican interpretation of the Federal Constitution. It teaches that we must content ourselves with resisting the extension of Slavery. Where the Republicans said, Halt! John Brown shouted, Forward! To the rescue! He was an Abolitionist of the Bunker Hill school. He followed neither Garrison nor Seward, Gerrit Smith nor Wendell Phillips; but the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Independence, in the spirit of the Hebrew warriors, and in the God-applauded mode that they adopted, The Bible story of Gideon, records a man who betrayed him, had manifestly a great influence on his actions. He believed in human brotherhood and in the God of Battles; he admired Nat Turner, the negro patriot, equally with George Washington, the white American deliverer. He could not see that it was heroic to f
0. State elections of 1857-8-9 Lincoln versus Douglas Gov. Seward's Irrepressible conflict Slavery legally established in New MeUnion party Lincoln and Hamlin by the Republicans the canvass Gov. Seward's closing words. the vote polled for Fremont and Dayton in 18r conservative Whig, was put forth, more than four months before Gov. Seward, At Rochester, N. Y., Oct. 25, 1858. as if under a like pre-m States, with the following result:   1st Ballot. 2d. 3d. William H. Seward, of New York 173 1/2 184 1/2 180 Abraham Lincoln, of Illinoijority. Mr. McCrillis, of Maine, followed, changing ten votes from Seward to Lincoln; Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts, also changed a part of the vote of that State from Seward to Lincoln; and Mr. B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, changed the eighteen votes of that State from Bates to Lincotal to their business, their prosperity, and their affluence. Gov. Seward--who had made a political tour through the North-West during the
you shall go in peace. Neither Congress nor the President has any power to sanction a dissolution of the Union; but wait for and unite in a Convention, and our differences shall somehow be adjusted without fraternal bloodshed. With the same general object, but contemplating a different method of attaining it, the veteran Editor of The Albany Evening Journal--whose utterances were widely regarded as deriving additional consequence from his intimate and almost life-long association with Gov. Seward--took ground, at an early day, in favor of concessions calculated — at all events, intended — to calm the ebullition of Southern blood. Being sharply criticised therefor, by several of his contemporaries, he replied November 30, 1860. to them generally as follows: The suggestions, in a recent number of The Journal, of a basis of settlement of differences between the North and the South, have, in awakening attention and discussion, accomplished their purpose. We knew that in no qu
t to get up a free debate, as the Senator from New York [Mr. Seward] expressed it, in one of his speeches. But a Senator fr such far-seeing statesmen as the Senator from New York [Mr. Seward], will see the futility of this. In less than twelve morkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, andr, 20, 1860. appointed Messrs. Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Seward, Toombs, Douglas, Collamer, Davis, Wade, Bigler, Rice, Doo, Collamer, Wade, Toombs, Grimes, and Hunter--7: absent, Mr. Seward. Messrs. Hunter, Toombs, and Davis, it is said, would ha votes. When the Committee met again, December 24th. Mr. Seward submitted the following proposition: First. No amendlowing vote: Yeas--Messrs. Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Seward, Douglas, Collamer, Wade, Bigler, Rice, Doolittle, and Gri. Crittenden sustaining it; all the rest opposing it. Mr. Seward December 26th. further proposed, and the Republicans su
stion of Freedom or Slavery in Kansas should be submitted to a direct popular vote, as the only means of averting civil war? Yet Gov. Seymour demanded the submission of the Crittenden Compromise to such a vote, under circumstances wherein (as Gov. Seward had so forcibly stated) the argument of fear was the only one relied on, and Republicans were to be coerced into voting for that Compromise, or staying away from the polls; not that their convictions had changed one iota, but because they coulent Breckinridge, who laid it before the Senate without delay: and, on motion of Mr. Crittenden, it was referred to a Select Committee of five, to be reported to the Senate next day. Mr. Crittenden reported it accordingly. February 28th. Gov. Seward, from the Republican minority of said Committee, presented a substitute for that project, as follows: A joint resolution concerning a National Convention to propose amendments to the Constitution of the United States. Whereas, the Legis
otiate by Forsyth and Crawford repelled by Gov. Seward Judge Campbell's statement Northern propo his official counselors. They were William H. Seward, of New York, Secr'y of State; Salmotability and imminence of a clash of arms. Gov. Seward, the new Secretary of State, had for monthsing: Washington, March 12, 1861. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United Statking to negotiation, settlement, and amity, Gov. Seward responded as follows : This reply was wi made that the Confederates were deluded by Gov. Seward into anticipations of an early and easy conto the service of the Confederacy, wrote to Gov. Seward as follows: Washington City, Saturday Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State. Judge Campbell,ir demand on the 12th; had been answered by Gov. Seward on the 15th; but the answer withheld; for o the 9th of April, a vituperative letter to Gov. Seward, whereof all that is not mere rhetoric, of [2 more...]
1 2