qual States; upon us of the minority section rests the duty to maintain our equality and community rights; and the means in one case or the other must be such as each can control.
The resolution of Powell was eventually adopted on the 18th of December, and on the 20th the Committee was appointed, consisting of Powell and Crittenden of Kentucky, Hunter of Virginia, Toombs of Georgia, Davis of Mississippi, Douglas of Illinois, Bigler of Pennsylvania, Rice of Minnesota, Collamer of Vermont, Seward of New York, Wade of Ohio, Doolittle of Wisconsin, and Grimes of Iowa.
The first five of the list, as here enumerated, were Southern men; the next three were Northern Democrats, or Conservatives; the last five, Northern Republicans, so called.
The supposition was that any measure agreed upon by the representatives of the three principal divisions of public opinion would be approved by the Senate and afterward ratified by the House of Representatives.
The Committee therefore determined t
disingenuousness and absurdity of the pretension by which a factitious sympathy has been obtained in certain quarters for the war upon the South, on the ground that it was a war in behalf of freedom against slavery.
As late as April 22, 1861, Seward, United States Secretary of State, in a dispatch to Dayton, minister to France, since made public, expressed the views and purposes of the United States government in the premises as follows.
It may be proper to explain that, by what he is pleased to term the revolution, Seward means the withdrawal of the Southern states; that the words italicized are, perhaps, not so distinguished in the original.
He says: The Territories will remain in all respects the same, whether the revolution shall succeed or shall fail.
The condition of slavery in the several States will remain just the same, whether it succeed or fail. There is not even a pretext for the complaint that the disaffected States are to be conquered by the United States if the re
ifficulty about forts Sumter and Pickens
Secretary Seward's assurances
duplicity of the Governmentseven days after it was written.
The paper of Seward, in reply, without signature or address, datedhington.
The letter of the commissioners to Seward was written, as we have seen, on March 12.
Th and of the Treasury and the Attorney General (Seward, Chase, and Bates), to dissuade them from unden writing to Judge Crawford, and informed Governor Seward in writing what I had said.
Thus we see that at the very moment when Secretary Seward was renewing to the Confederate governmenovernor Pickens was taken by Judge Campbell to Seward, who appointed the ensuing Monday (April 1) foer of general rumor, a letter was addressed to Seward upon the subject by Judge Campbell, in behalf sing between the Confederate commissioners and Seward, through the distinguished member of the Supren expedition to forward supplies.
Lincoln and Seward, New York, 1874, pp. 57, 58. The italics are n[21 more...]
onfederate commissioners in Washington?
He says we were expressly notified that nothing more would on that occasion be attempted—the words in italics themselves constituting a very significant though unobtrusive and innocent-looking limitation.
But we had been just as expressly notified, long before, that the garrison would be withdrawn.
It would be as easy to violate the one pledge as it had been to break the other.
Moreover, the so-called notification was a mere memorandum, without date, signature, or authentication of any kind, sent to Governor Pickens, not by an accredited agent, but by a subordinate employee of the State Department.
Like the oral and written pledges of Seward, given through Judge Campbell, it seemed to be carefully and purposedly divested of every attribute that could make it binding and valid, in case its authors should see fit to repudiate it. It was as empty and worthless as the complaint against the Confederate government based upon it is disingenuous
where commerce existed, they might be repealed, and the ports nominally closed or declared to be closed; yet such a declaration would be of no avail unless sustained by a naval force, as these ports were located in territory not subject to the United States.
An act was subsequently passed authorizing the President of the United States, in his direction, to close our ports, but it was never executed.
The scheme of blockade was resorted to, and a falsehood was asserted on which to base it. Seward writes to Dallas: You will say (to Lord John Russell) that, by our own laws and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this Government has a clear right to suppress insurrection.
An exclusion of commerce from national ports which have been seized by insurgents, in the equitable form of blockade, is a proper means to that end.
Diplomatic correspondence, May 21, 1861. This is the same doctrine of combinations fabricated by the authorities at Washington to serve as the basis of a bloo
had known more—if he had recognized the representatives of the States of the Union—still he would have traced through this same eternal, petty agitation about sectional success, that limit which can not fail, however the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) may regret it, to bring about a result which every man should, from his own sense of honor, feel, when he takes his seat in this Chamber, that he is morally bound to avoid as long as he retains possession of his seat.
To express myself moreo be allowed to take its course, and soil and climate be permitted to decide the great question?
We were willing to abide by it. We were willing to leave natural causes to decide the question.
Though I differed from the Senator from New York [Mr. Seward], though I did not believe that natural causes, if permitted to flow in their own channel, would have produced any other result than the introduction of slave property into the Territory of Kansas, I am free to admit that I have not yet reached
Will you fold your arms, the degenerate descendants of those men who proclaimed the eternal principle that government rests on the consent of the governed; and that every people have a right to change, modify, or abolish a government when it ceases to answer the ends for which it was established, and permit this Government imperceptibly to slide from the moorings where it was originally anchored, and become a military despotism?
It was well said by the senator from New York [Mr. Seward], whom I do not now see in his seat—well said in a speech wherein I found but little to commend—that this Union could not be maintained by force, and that a Union of force was a despotism.
It was a great truth, come from what quarter it may. That was not the Government instituted by our fathers; and against it, so long as I live, with heart and hand, I will rebel.
This brings me to a passage in the message which says:
I certainly had no right to make aggressive war upon any State; a
ondence between the Confederate commissioners, Secretary Seward and Judge Campbell: the commissioners to SewarSeward
Washington City, March 12, 1861. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States.
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States.
Sir: The undersigned have been duly accredited by the Government of the Confederate States of America as comm be now delivered.
the commissioners in reply to Seward
Washington, April 9, 1861. Hon. William H. SewardHon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State for the United States, Washington:
The memorandum dated Department of State, WashingtoJohn Forsyth, Martin J. Crawford, A. B. Roman.
Seward in reply to the commissioners
Department of Statehereby very cheerfully gives.
Judge Campbell to Seward
Washington City, Saturday, April 13, 1861.
Sirme Court, United States.
Judge Campbell to Secretary Seward
Washington, April 20, 1861.
sir: I inclosustice of the Supreme Court, United States. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State. No reply has been made
omise measures of 1850, 13-14, 28.
Compromise of 1833, 161.
Confederacy of Southern States (See Confederate States of America).
Confederate Commission to Washington, 212-13, 228.
Relations with Seward, 230-37.
Dispatches to Beauregard, 239.
Confederate States of America, 242. Formation recommended, 175-76.
Provisional Constitution, 210, 223; text, 552-59.
Permanent Constitution, 223; text, 559-80.
Measures to prevent war, 257; their f29, 36, 42, 48, 71.
Culmination, 52-53, 58-59.
Safeguards against, 158-59.
Seddon, James A. Delegate to Peace Congress, 214.
Semmes, Captain, 408. Emissary to North to secure arms for Con-federacy, 270-71.
Seward, W. H., 58, 59. Extract from dispatch to Dayton, 226-27.
Relations with Confederate commission, 230-238.
Instructions to Dallas, 281-82.
Seymour, Horatio, 220.
Sharkey, William L., 198.
Sherman, Roger, 123.
Shiloh, Battle of, 409.