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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 50 2 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 48 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 44 4 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 4. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 42 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 25 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: May 23, 1863., [Electronic resource] 22 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 21 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: September 3, 1864., [Electronic resource] 17 1 Browse Search
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley) 12 0 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 10 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Horatio Seymour or search for Horatio Seymour in all documents.

Your search returned 4 results in 4 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
Lincoln's call for troops. There were threatening signs also in Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland. Delaware alone among slave States seemed securely held to the Union. The disunion sentiment was not confined to the slaveholding States. The identification of the Democratic party with the slaveholding interest for a long period had poisoned the minds of many of the Democratic leaders at the North. Treasonable sentiments were uttered by Franklin Pierce, Caleb Cushing, Fernando Wood, Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his ear
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
umerous congratulatory letters from distant places, recognized the result as an important event. New York Tribune, Nov. 8, 1862; Jan. 16, 1863. The last notice reviewed his 4 career, and contrasted the circumstances of his first entrance into the Senate in 1851 and his present position. Other States were not as steadfast as Massachusetts in 1862. The Administration was outvoted in New York and New Jersey,—States which had chosen Republican electors, and now elected governors Horatio Seymour and Joel Parker. hostile to it; and it encountered defeat in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Several causes contributed to this disaster,—chiefly the want of success in the field, the incidents of increased taxation, derangement in the currency, and the imminency of a draft. The disaster on the Rappahannock was at hand. Greeley gives the opinion in his History that during the year following July 4, 1862, a majority of the people, outside of the soldiers in the field, would
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
e consummate lawyer. And yet I must say frankly that I think you are both mistaken in your judgment of Lord Lyons. If you had expressed regret that the British minister had not openly and magnanimously declared his sympathy with our cause, I should agree with you. I regret it much. But you speak of him as tampering with our enemies, and holding covert intercourse with disloyal men; and this very serious charge is founded on his receiving New York Democrats, perhaps John Van Buren and Horatio Seymour, immediately after their triumph at the polls last autumn, while he listened to their complaints and theories. A less favorable view of Lord Lyons's conferences in New York is taken in Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. VI. pp. 84-88. If these men at that time talked of peace and of mediation, they did nothing more than they had done at public meetings and in newspapers, with the acquiescence if not sympathy of many calling themselves Republicans. This is melancholy, but it is
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
epublicans, and an earnest supporter of the impeachment. His nomination by them, notwithstanding the disadvantage to which they had been put by the impeachment proceedings, insured their success in the national election of 1868. The only hope of the Democrats was in presenting a candidate of undoubted loyalty in the Civil War,—which at one time was thought likely in the person of Chief-Justice Chase, now parted from his old associates; but that hope they threw away when they nominated Horatio Seymour. One with Sumner's ideas of what a statesman should be would not, if the choice had been left solely with him, have selected for President a military officer, however meritorious his services, who had had no civil experience. Sumner probably accepted General Grant's candidacy rather as a necessity than as a fortunate event. He is, however, not on record as objecting to it in any letter or public way; and, as far as known, he acquiesced without protest in the final decision of his p