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to do, it did, and no more; in peace as well as in war. The corroboration of all this is the fact that the idea of allowing the officers to retain their sidearms and personal effects was suggested to him as he wrote. He wore no sword, having been summoned hastily from his own headquarters two days before to a distant portion of the field, with no opportunity of returning afterward. Lee, however, had dressed himself with care for the ceremony. His headquarters' train had been burned by Sheridan in the pursuit, and Lee and his officers, able to save only a single suit of clothes, had secured the finest. In this way Lee was handsomely clad; he wore embroidered gauntlets and the sword presented to him by the ladies of Virginia. The conqueror, battle-stained, in a common soldier's coat, looked up at his foe, elaborately arrayed, and the glitter of the rebel weapon suggested to him to spare the conquered the humiliation of surrendering it. Then he wrote the line permitting officers t
d Johnson would have attempted some disloyal artifice. Of this he repeatedly assured me. The following letter to General Sheridan shows Grant's apprehensions at this time. It was written while Sheridan was in command at New Orleans: [ConSheridan was in command at New Orleans: [Confidential.] headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., Oct. 12, 1866. dear General,—I regret to say that since the unfortunate differences between the President and Congress the former becomes more violent with the opposition hou may square your official action accordingly. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. Grant. To Major-General P. H. Sheridan. P. S.—I gave orders quietly two or three weeks since for the removal of all arms in store in the Southe very careful of what you eat, and where you eat, for the next sixty days. I believe that the Knights have spotted you, Sheridan, and Sherman. I have written them to be careful. My warning may not reach them. If you can warn them do so. As eve
e law than the Administration intervened to thwart them. Sheridan, who was in command at New Orleans, found it necessary to supported by his Attorney-General. Grant telegraphed to Sheridan, approving his course, but advised that he should make non the President and the district commanders. A letter to Sheridan of the 5th of April, 1867, shows his anxiety to carry outfore or afterward. The skill with which he points out to Sheridan how to avoid a premature conflict with the Executive; thetry; the prevision with which he asks for a statement of Sheridan's reasons, so as to be ready to meet a hostile demand, artter to Mr. Johnson. At the same time that he wrote to Sheridan he sent the following letter to Washburne: Everythiheir acts, but much dissatisfaction has been expressed at Sheridan's removal of the New Orleans civil officers. Sheridan haSheridan has given public satisfaction, however. In his present capacity he shows himself the same fearless, true man he did in the fi
ations of such a course, especially at New Orleans, where Sheridan was in command. He so reported to Grant, who laid the ma those authorities Grant forwarded the following order to Sheridan. I give the text as he originally penciled it, with his is is shown in the following letter of April 21, 1867, to Sheridan: [Private.] my dear General,—As yet no decisio all intricate points to Grant. On this head he wrote to Sheridan in the letter already quoted: On the subject of who cto the intention Johnson had already manifested to remove Sheridan, because that officer was evidently determined to obey the law. On April 21st, the day when he wrote thus to Sheridan, Grant sent the following dispatch to Pope, another of the Dhere which may serve to put them on their guard. When General Sheridan removed three civil officers in the State of Louisian as if it had been an order, and followed it implicitly. Sheridan, Sickles, Schofield, Pope, and Ord, the five District Com
ssistant Secretary of War, to say to Grant that unless he gave positive directions and enforced them the result would be deplorable and fatal. When Grant placed Sheridan in command in the Valley he did it knowing that his own confidence in that officer's capacity was not shared by the Government, but neither Lincoln nor Stanton icord with Grant at this crisis is indicated in the following informal note written in pencil, which I preserved: General,—I have received the copy of General Sheridan's telegram. I do not remember when he proposed to close the registration, but think it was the 10th or 15th of June. There appears to be no necessity for a close the registration, but think it was the 10th or 15th of June. There appears to be no necessity for any action until we can confer together, and in the meantime General Sheridan can let his orders, if he has made any, stand until he gets instructions from you. Yours truly, Edwin M. Stanton. June 22, 1867. General Grant
day of the Grand Review at Washington in 1865, he hurried Sheridan off to Texas, not leaving him time to witness the conclusn-Chief moved a large body of troops to the frontier, and Sheridan understood that he was not to be over-cautious about provof the object in view. At the same time Grant wrote to Sheridan that there must be a large amount of captured ordnance inimilar articles left there by discharged Union soldiers. Sheridan was directed to send none of these articles to the North.s. This letter was delivered to Schofield to carry to Sheridan. It was on the 25th of July, 1865, that Grant wrote: It e in France. On the 20th of July, 1866, Grant wrote to Sheridan: Your dispatch relative to selling the arms at Brownsnstructions. On the 30th of July Grant wrote again to Sheridan: Since the repeal of our neutrality laws I am in hopes ofublic services. On the 31st of October he wrote again to Sheridan: Since the publication of your letter of the 23d inst
cting slavery as others, which shall then be existing between individuals and States and the Federal Government, whether they arose before the Civil War began, or whether they grew out of it, will by force of the Constitution, pass over to the arbitrament of courts of law, and to the councils of legislation. So spoke the Secretary of State a year and a half after the proclamation of Emancipation had been made. A few days later he returned to Washington, and soon the news was brought of Sheridan's victory at Winchester. Seward took the telegram to the President. It was long past midnight, and Lincoln came to the door of his bedroom in his nightgown. There he held the candle while the Secretary of State read to him the great intelligence. The President was delighted, of course, at the victory, but Seward exclaimed: And what, Mr. President, is to become of me? He told me this story, I suppose, to illustrate his spirit of self-sacrifice, but when I repeated it to Grant the soldie
f one section of the country should be perpetuated at the Capitol. Again, a few days before his first inauguration, Mr. Blaine, then Speaker of the House of Representatives, formally suggested that Congress should allow Grant a leave of absence from the army for four years, so that at the expiration of his Presidential term he could resume his place as General-in-Chief, with the rank and position created especially for him. But Grant said he could not sleep at night if he kept Sherman and Sheridan and all the other officers lower down out of the promotion which his retention of office would prohibit to each of them. He declared that they had won their promotion as rightfully as he had his own, and he gave up his rank and appointed Sherman the day after he was inaugurated. People have forgotten his popularity after the close of the war, but at that time almost anything that could have been proposed to honor him would have been approved, and it was his very unselfishness, his purit
omination. In May I went out to visit him at Galena; but before I reached that place he had arrived at Chicago, at the home of his son, Colonel Grant. At Chicago, I saw him constantly, either at Colonel Grant's house, or more frequently at General Sheridan's headquarters; for his son was on Sheridan's staff. I accompanied him on a visit to Elihu B. Washburne, and dined with him at the house of Russell Jones, his former Minister to Belgium. Both these gentlemen were avowed supporters of GenerSheridan's staff. I accompanied him on a visit to Elihu B. Washburne, and dined with him at the house of Russell Jones, his former Minister to Belgium. Both these gentlemen were avowed supporters of General Grant, and in their presence conversation was unrestrained, and the prospects were discussed as freely as they would have been before any other expectant candidate. It was now only a few weeks before the convention, and Grant manifested as much anxiety as I ever saw him display on his own account; he calculated the chances, he counted the delegates, considered how every movement would affect the result, and was pleased or indignant at the conversion of enemies or the defection of friends,
l the last man had passed; Chester A. Arthur, the candidate for the Vice-Presidency, stood by his side, reaping the benefit of Grant's popularity. Grant even became so much interested during the campaign that he made remarks about Hancock which not only the adherents of the Democratic candidate, but Hancock himself, resented keenly. There had been a coolness between them ever since the days of the Andrew Johnson imbroglio, when Hancock, against Grant's urgent advice, accepted the place of Sheridan at New Orleans. This feeling was increased by the tone of Grant's utterances now. Apart from this, however, there was no bitterness aroused, even among Democrats, on account of Grant's course. I was present on half a score of occasions when he was traveling by train and the car that carried him chanced to stop near the point where a Democratic meeting was in progress. Again and again it happened that the meeting adjourned temporarily while its members marched in a body to the station
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