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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
ch a time was a direct encouragement of rebellion. Fortunately for his fame, he ended the year better than he began the session. On the voluntary retirement of three traitors from his Cabinet he called to the vacant places three loyal men,—Edwin M. Stanton, Joseph Holt, and John A. Dix; and from that time they, in conjunction with Black,—now improved in his conception of public duty and constitutional law,—largely directed the President's action. Though from the beginning of the new year to hSumter. The Union was to be maintained not by fencing with propositions, but by the patriotism and endurance of the free States. Sumner during this anxious period conferred often with General Scott and the loyal members of Buchanan's Cabinet-Stanton, Holt, and Dix—in reference to the safety of the capital and measures necessary to secure a regular and peaceable inauguration of President Lincoln. Works, vol. v. pp. 454, 457-459. He was, in frequent letters to Governor Andrew, most urgen
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
hat I thank God you are in the influential position you hold in relation to them. In January Sumner moved in the Senate, without the customary reference, the confirmation of Mr. Cameron, then Secretary of War, as minister to Russia, and of E. M. Stanton as his successor in the Cabinet; but the Senate referred the nominations. He supported the former's confirmation in debate against certain charges affecting his official integrity. Mr. Cameron was confirmed, with considerable opposition, horesolutions which denied the authority of the Executive to appoint military governors. June 2 and 6. 1862 (Works, vol. VII. pp. 112-115, 119,120). Sumner's protest stopped the practice of appointing military governors: and on account of it Mr. Stanton withdrew the offer of a similar appointment for South Carolina to E. L. Pierce made through Mr. Chase, who desired this appointment to be made as an offset to that of Stanly, and hoped by means of it to secure in the reorganized State a recogn
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
acking the Cabinet generally. This is not true of Sumner, who is known to have been earnest in his support of Chase and Stanton, and is not known to have had special objection to other members except Seward. He had agreeable relations with Blair, o which an armistice must be an incident. The war will go on. The storm prevented a great battle last Tuesday. I found Stanton last evening cheerful,—confident that we should soon have Vicksburg. The army at Fredericksburg is now 180,000 men,—68,rage, including 16,000 cavalry and 6,000 wagons. Where in history was such a force, thus appointed, gathered together? Stanton says it ought to be able to go on its belly to Richmond. . . . Is it not wretched in McDougall to bring forward those rence corps, Dec. 3, 1862 (Works, vol. VII. p. 255; Boston Journal, June 30, 1863, replying to Dr. H. I. Bowditch). Mr. Stanton appointed a commission to investigate the condition of the negroes coming within our lines, and to propose methods for
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
ndrew strenuously contended that they came under the general acts which determined the pay of enlisted men, and should be paid equally with other soldiers. He, as well as Sumner, urged the secretary to rectify his action, but without avail; and Stanton became very impatient under their persistency. The question was then carried into Congress, on a joint resolution reported by Wilson. The Senate was favorable to equality of pay; but Fessenden and some other senators were indisposed to a retror. Bates, who decided in favor of the claim of the colored troops to equality of pay. Many letters on the subject passed between Governor Andrew and Sumner, and the former thanked the senator for his constant advocacy of a just measure. Neither Stanton nor Whiting intended injustice to the colored troops; but the different statutes raised a doubt which they gave in favor of the government, while fuller discussion led the attorney-general to an opposite conclusion. At this session began the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
le the war goes on with converging forces. Mr. Stanton was with me yesterday, and gave me fully hiderate Congress, which he proposed to give to Stanton, Mr. Lincoln said to Speaker Colfax that he oe of the guard, which he thought useless; but Stanton decided it to be a necessary precaution. Liethe last day of his life, Friday, April 14, Mr. Stanton submitted the draft of an ordinance for thehe 16th (Andrew Johnson now being President), Stanton read his draft at the war department to Sumneirrespective of race. This statement as to Stanton's draft and Sumner's relation to it rests on hat Welles and McCulloch cordially approved. Stanton was friendly enough to the principle of equalr to see it right if time is allowed. It was Stanton who wished to hang three or four in a State; reat difficulty. There is a pressure against Stanton, in which the Blairs and the ring of cotton setter the precise opinions of Massachusetts. Stanton is here; he thanked me very cordially for my [4 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
necessity for the universality of the suffrage: every vote is needed to counterbalance the rebels. It is very sad that we should be tried in this way. For our country it is an incalculable calamity. Nobody can yet see the end. Congress will not yield. The President is angry and brutal. Seward is the marplot. In the Cabinet, on the question of the last veto, there were four against it to three for it; so even there, among his immediate advisers, the President is left in a minority. Stanton reviewed at length the bill, section by section, in the Cabinet, and pronounced it an excellent and safe bill every way from beginning to end. But the veto message was already prepared, and an hour later was sent to Congress. You hear that I do not bear contradiction. Perhaps not. I try to bear everything. But my conscience and feelings are sometimes moved, so that I may show impatience. It is hard to meet all these exigencies with calmness. I hope not to fail. I despair of th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
here is a tradition that Columbia was spoken of, but I do not remember any debate on this point. Did not David Dudley Field propose a national name some eight or ten years ago? I am here in Boston, having just sold this old family house; and now comes the trouble and responsibility of dismantling it, abandoning some things, preserving others, packing papers and books. The task is painful, and I have no heart to write a lecture. Chase is on a tour, which has an electioneering color. Stanton is still with Hooper on the southern shore of Massachusetts; they were to be in Nantucket to-day. Sumner had only once (in 1855) visited the West, and though often urged to do so had never been before a Western audience. In the autumn of 1867—partly to impress his favorite idea on the country, and partly to meet his increased expenses as a householder—he accepted invitations to deliver a lecture at different points in the Western States, taking for its title and subject, The Nation.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
known in 1842, dined with him in company with Stanton, when one of the topics was the experience ofoncur with the President's suspension of Secretary Stanton, which took place the preceding August; standing the refusal to the concur, removed Mr. Stanton, February 21, in violation, as alleged, of wrote in pencil, February 2, from his seat to Stanton a note with the single word stick in the bodyarge against the President was the removal of Stanton; but the weight of argument, though verbal an Act did not protect an officer appointed, as Stanton was, before the President came into office. of the portfolio of the war department upon Mr. Stanton's removal were interpreted as showing leaniand hope to have him. I am sorry to know that Stanton has not seen Grant since the election. He hato call; and Grant has called only once, when Stanton was too ill to see him. Stanton says that he Stanton says that he hears of declarations by Grant in favor of economy, retrenchment, and the collection of the revenue[1 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
requisite information for action, during which search was made in books, maps, and public documents. This is what any thoughtful man with a sense of responsibility would have done. The President, however, afterwards maintained that the senator assured him that he would support the treaties, and complained bitterly of his bad faith in not doing so. The President was an inaccurate narrator of civil affairs. Thus, in his Personal Memoirs, vol. II. pp. 505, 506, he gives as an instance of Stanton's characteristic of never questioning his own authority, that he revoked at Washington, while Mr. Lincoln was at or near Richmond, the latter's order for the meeting of the rebel Legislature of Virginia; where as the revocation—a fact always well known—was made by Mr. Lincoln himself at Washington two days before his death. (Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. x. pp. 227-228.) Gideon Welles in the Galaxy (April and May. 1872, pp. 531, 532, 666) disagrees with the general's memory of w<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
on finance. He made also one serious mistake in bringing Stanton (not now living) to the stand as a witness against Grant, adding also that when he inquired of Stanton why he had not borne this testimony in 1868, the latter replied that while in hihowever, on recurring to the newspapers of that year, that Stanton had in fact commended General Grant in a speech at Steubenvery put Sumner at a disadvantage. There is no doubt that Stanton had said to Sumner and to others, among then Mr. Hooper anspeech freely mentioned in conversation and correspondence Stanton's communication to him. (Edward Eggleston, in New York Tri, where the senator's letter of Aug. 28, 1871. is given.) Stanton's statement to Horace White may be found in Senate debate, June 6, 1872 (Congressional Globe, p. 4283). Stanton was not in a pleasant mood towards Grant after the latter took his placonal Memoirs perpetuated his unfriendly sentiments towards Stanton. and there is also no doubt that he said the contrary in t