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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xiv. The Wilmot Proviso. (search)
yton, of Delaware, from that Committee, reported it with amendments establishing Territorial Governments also for New Mexico and California. An original feature of this bill was a proposition embodied therein that all questions concerning Slavery in those Territories be referred directly to the arbitration of the Supreme Court of the United States. This measure passed the Senate by the strong vote of 33 Yeas to 22 Nays — all from Free States--but, on its reaching the House, Mr. Alex. II. Stephens, of Georgia, moved that it do lie on the table, which prevailed; Yeas 112 (30 of them Democrats from Free States; 8 Whigs from Slave States; and 74 Whigs from Free States); Nays 97; (21 Democrats from Free States, with all the Democrats, and all but 8, as aforesaid, of the Whigs, from Slave States). As the Court was then constituted, there was little room for doubt that its award would have been favorable to Slavery Extension; hence this vote. Mr. Clayton's Compromise, thus defeated, was n
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 15 (search)
aveholding State; it is that which assumes that Slavery does not now exist by law in those countries. I understand one of these propositions to declare that, by law, Slavery is now abolished in New Mexico and California. That was the very proposition advanced by the non-slaveholding States at the last Session; combated and disproved, as I thought, by gentlemen from the Slaveholding States, and which the Compromise bill That of Mr. Clayton--laid on the table of the House, on motion of Mr. Stephens, of Georgia. was framed to test. So far, I regarded the question of law as disposed of; and it was very clearly and satisfactorily shown to be against the spirit of the resolution of the Senator of Kentucky. If the contrary is true, I presume the Senator from Kentucky would declare that, if a law is now valid in the territories abolishing Slavery, it could not be introduced there, even if a law was passed creating the institution, or repealing the statutes already existing — a doctrine
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
1854-61 Pierce Atchison A. C. Dodge Douglas Archibald Dixon Salmon P. Chase Badger of N. C. English of Ind. A. H. Stephens Gov. Reeder William Philips John W. Whitfield civil War in Kansas Wm. Dow sheriff Jones nomination of Fremont bate on this measure, and it was finally agreed that said debate should terminate on Saturday the 20th. And now, Mr. Alex. H. Stephens, of Georgia, originated, and was enabled to execute, a parliamentary maneuver which, if recognized as legitimate,e successively on all the propositions legitimately before it, including, it may be, the engrossment of the bill. But Mr. Stephens, when the hour for closing the debate in Committee had arrived, moved that the enacting clause of the bill be strickenthus disposed of — the bill being reported as dead. Having thus got the bill out of Committee and before the House, Messrs. Stephens & Co. voted not to agree to the report of the Committee of the Whole, Yeas (for agreeing) 97; Nays 117. thus brin
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. (search)
an be no doubt, so that every man, North and South, may stand side by side on all issues connected with Slavery, and advocate the same principles. That is all we ask. All we demand at your hands is, that there shall be no equivocation and no doubt in the popular mind as to what our principles are. Mr. Payne, on the other side, quoted at length from the Cincinnati platform, from Mr. Buchanan's letter of acceptance, and from speeches of Howell Cobb, John C. Breckinridge, James L. Orr, A. H. Stephens, Judah P. Benjamin, James A. Bayard, James M. Mason, Robert Toombs, etc., to show that Non-Intervention with Popular Sovereignty was the original and established Democratic doctrine with regard to Slavery in the Territories. The debate was continued, amid great excitement and some disorder, until Monday, April 30th, when the question was first taken on Gen. Butler's proposition; which was defeated — Yeas 105; Nays 198--as follows: Yeas--Maine, 3; Massachusetts, 8; Connecticut, 2
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 22 (search)
n Houston Letcher Magofiln Conway C. F. Jackson Alex. H. Stephens S. C. Convention Ordinance of Secession immediatelyThe ablest and most respectable of their number was Mr. Alex. H. Stephens, of Georgia, whose courage and loyalty endured at lia having assembled, At Milledgeville, Nov. 8, 1860. Mr. Stephens presented himself and spoke At the State House, Nov.n do nothing against us? Warming with his argument, Mr. Stephens did not hesitate, before concluding his speech, to say:ppy to see adopted. H. Clay. To Gen. Leslie Combs. Mr. Stephens was, in his earlier years, an admirer and follower of Mce in favor of whatever may be demanded. Of course, Mr. Stephens was taken at his word. A Convention was called; a majored for Disunion; an Ordinance of Secession passed; and Mr. Stephens sank from the proud position of a citizen of the Americdinance of Secession: Yeas 208; Nays 89. The names of A. H. Stephens and Herschel V. Johnson, late Douglas leaders in the S
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 26 (search)
Organization of the Confederacy Jefferson Davis chosen President, and Alex. H. Stephens Vice-President Davis's Inaugural Stephens's corner-stone speech Mr. LiStephens's corner-stone speech Mr. Lincoln's journey to Washington speeches Inaugural. if Hudibras was right in his assumption, that there is and can be no fighting where one party gives all the blof Mississippi, was, by the Congress, unanimously elected President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President, of the Confederacy for the current year; a antagonisms are engendered, which must and should result in separation. Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the Confederacy, proved far less reticent and more c of debate; and in forbidding the reelection of a President while in office, Mr. Stephens proceeded: But, not to be tedious in enumerating the numerous changes fo[Immense applause.] With regard to future accessions to the Confederacy, Mr. Stephens said: Our growth by accessions from other States will depend greatly upo
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxvii. Ominous pause. (search)
tless, at the hard necessity of permitting South Carolina and her sisters to escape from their thraldom; but it is a necessity, and they must, perforce, submit to it. So late as the 21st of that month, the astute and rarely over-sanguine Vice-President Stephens In his speech at Savannah, already quoted. congratulated his hearers that their revolution had thus far been accomplished without shedding a drop of blood — that the fear of deadly collision with the Union they had renounced was nearlemaining Slave States would break away from the Union and join the Confederacy was regarded by him as a matter of course. They will necessarily gravitate to us by an imperious law. As to such others as might be deemed desirable acquisitions, Mr. Stephens spoke more guardedly, yet no less complacently, as was previously seen. See pages 416-18. This was by no means idle gasconade or vain-glorious presumption. Throughout the Free States, eminent and eager advocates of adhesion to the new
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 29 (search)
it; yet, up to this time, but seven of the fifteen Slave States, having a decided minority of the population, and a still more decided minority of the white inhabitants, of that section, had justified the sanguine promise. On the contrary, the so-called Border States, with Tennessee and Arkansas, had voted not to secede, and most of them by overwhelming majorities; save that Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware, had scarcely deigned to take the matter into consideration. And, despite Vice-President Stephens's glowing rhetoric, it was plain that the seceded States did not and could not suffice to form a nation. Already, the talk in their aristocratic circles of Protectorates and imported Princes Wm. H. Russell, of The London Times, in his Diary, North and South, writing at Charleston, April 18, 1861, says: These tall, thin, fine-faced Carolinians are great materialists. Slavery, perhaps, has aggravated the tendency to look at all the world through parapets of cotton-bales and r
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 30 (search)
Government could end only in defeat, loss, and death. Many, perhaps most, of the Union delegates to the Virginia Convention left it directly after the passage of the Ordinance of Secession, feeling that they had no longer any business in such company. The residue proceeded, in utter contempt of their own vote directing the submission of the act to the people, to adopt and ratify the Confederate Constitution; and to enter April 24th. into a convention with the Confederacy, through A. H. Stephens, whereby all the public property, naval stores, munitions of war, etc., acquired by their State at Norfolk and elsewhere, from the United States, were turned over to said Confederacy; and it was agreed that the whole military force and military operations, offensive and defensive, of said Commonwealth, in the impending conflict with the United States, shall be under the chief control and direction of the President of said Confederate States, upon the same principles, basis, and footi
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
of Garrison, 122; withdraws from the Democratic Convention, 315; Mr. Gaulden protests, 316; Secession meeting in, 330; Military Convention at Milledgeville, 387; Stephens's Union speech, 342 to 844; her appeal for delay kept secret in the South Carolina Convention, 345; Secession of and vote thereon, 347; population in 1860, 351; bbed at, 137. Steadman, Capt., of S. C., Port Royal, 605. Steedman, Col., crosses into Virginia, 521. Stein, Gen-., one of Jackson's Brigadiers, 574. Stephens, Alex. H., 191; 233; opposes the Nebraska bill, 234; Union Speech before the Legislature, 342 to 344; votes against Secession, 347; elected Vice-President of the Confederacy, 415; speech at Savannah, 416 to 418; view of the Confederacy, 438; 477. Stephens, James. vote on Mo. Compromise, 801. Stevens, Aaron D., wounded at Harper's Ferry, 292; 294; 298; is executed, 299. Stevens, Thaddeus, speech of, 569. St. Joseph, Mo., American flag lowered at. 491. St. Lawrence, the, si