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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
prohibit the existence of Slavery therein. This touchstone of the true nature and intent of the measure was most decisively voted down; the Yeas and Nays being as follows: Yeas — Fessenden and Hamlin, of Maine; Sumner, of Massachusetts; Foot, of Vermont; Smith, of Connecticut; Fish and Seward, of New York; Chase and Wade, of Ohio; Dodge (Henry), of Wisconsin--10. Nays — Norris and Williams, of New Hampshire; Toucey, of Connecticut; Brodhead, of Pennsylvania; Clayton, of Delaware; Stuart, Gen. Cass, the inventor of Popular Sovereignty, who was in his seat and voted just before, did not respond to the call of his name on this occasion. of Michigan; Pettit, of Indiana; Douglas and Shields, of Illinois; Dodge (A. C.) and Jones, of Iowa; Walker, of Wisconsin; Hunter and Mason, of Virginia; Pratt, of Maryland; Badger, of North Carolina; Butler and Evans, of South Carolina; Dawson, of Georgia; Fitzpatrick and C. C. Clay, of Alabama; Adams and Brown, of Mississippi; Benjamin and
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 29 (search)
forcibly stated convictions of a leading journal, which soon after became, and has since remained, a noisy oracle of Secession. the time-honored organ of her Whig Conservatives, who had secured her vote for Bell and Everett, had been changed — by purchase, it was said — and was now as zealous for Secession as hitherto against it. Finally, her Convention resolved, on the 4th aforesaid, to send new Commissioners to wait on President Lincoln, and appointed Messrs. William Ballard Preston, Alex. H. H. Stuart, and George W. Randolph (of whom the last only was formerly a Democrat, and was chosen as a Secessionist), to proceed to Washington on this errand. They did not obtain their formal audience until the 13th--the day of Fort Sumter's surrender — when its bombardment, if not its capture also, was already known in that city — and there was a grim jocosity in their appearance at such an hour to set before the harassed President such a missive as this: Whereas, in the opinion of the Con
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 30 (search)
Virginia. Immigrants from Free States were hunted out on suspicion of Unionism, unless they chose to enlist at once in the Rebel army; and only the most violent and obstreperous sympathy with Secession could save them from personal outrage. Appeals from those who had formerly figured as inflexible Unionists were circulated through the journals, calling upon all true Virginians to stand by the action of their State, and thereby preserve her from the horrors of an intestine war. Thus, Mr. A. H. H. Stuart--a leading Whig of other days, an eminent member of Congress, afterward Secretary of the Interior under President Fillmore--who had been elected to the Convention as a Unionist from the strong Whig county of Augusta, and had opposed Secession to the last, now wrote a letter to The Staunton Spectator, maintaining this position: In my judgment, it is the duty of all good citizens to stand by the action of the State. It is no time for crimination or recrimination. We cannot stop now
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxxi. The forces in conflict. (search)
penetrating and disintegrating their phalanx, so that its parts should no longer support each other, but their enforced cohesion give place to their natural antagonism, could its power be broken and its persistence overborne. And here it may be instructive to note that the paramount loyalty to his State, vaunted by the Southron as the keystone of his political arch, always resolved itself, on a searching analysis, into devotion to Slavery. Thus, when Virginia seceded, we have seen Alex. H. H. Stuart, with other eminent conservatives, who had, up to this point, resisted Disunion, now take ground in its favor; while Magoffin, C. F. Jackson, etc., always insisted that it was to his State that each citizen owed his first and highest duty. A favored officer in our regular army transmitted his resignation, to be tendered in case his State seceded, and was not cashiered therefor, as he should have been promptly and finally. All over the South, men said, This Secession is madness — it w
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., XXXIII. East Virginia—Bull Run. (search)
— it would have enabled me to get between Johnston and the Shenandoah river. On the morning of our march to Charlestown, Stuart's Cavalry, which figured so vigorously at Bull Run, was upon my flank all day. They were apparently about 800) strong. I galloped to the battle-field just in time, it was said, to witness the advance of his cavalry, 1,500 strong, under Lieut. Col. Stuart, on the heels of our flying troops. He telegraphed that night to his Congress as follows: Manassas Junction, by the 19th Virginia regiment, Lieut. Col. Strange, of Cocke's brigade, pursued the now panic-stricken, fugitive enemy. Stuart, with his cavalry, and Beckham, had also taken up the pursuit along the road by which the enemy had come upon the field tmore speedy and certain, and was, therefore, adopted. Evading the enemy by the disposition of the advance guard under Col. Stuart, our army moved through Ashley's Gap to Piedmont, a station of the Manassas Gap railroad. Hence, the infantry were to
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
Committee of Thirty-three, 387. Stringfellow, Gen., a Border Ruffian, 243; 283. Stringham, Com. S. H., 599; 627. Stuart, A. H. H., of Va., a Commissioner to President Lincoln, 452; his letter to The Staunton Spectator, 478; allusion to, 509. Stuart, Lieut.-Col., (Rebel,) at Bull Run, 543-4. Stuart, Gen. J. E. B., at Dranesville, 626. Sturgis, Major, 579;: in the battle of Wilson's Creek, 590 to 582; tries to reinforce Mulligan, 487. Sumner, Charles, 229; 231; assault on, 299Stuart, Gen. J. E. B., at Dranesville, 626. Sturgis, Major, 579;: in the battle of Wilson's Creek, 590 to 582; tries to reinforce Mulligan, 487. Sumner, Charles, 229; 231; assault on, 299. Sumter, the privateer, escapes out of the Mississippi; is blockaded at Gibraltar, 602. Sweeny, Gen., persuades Lyon to attack the Rebels at Wilson's Creek, 579. Syracuse, N. Y., fugitive-slave case at, 215. T. Taggart, Col. John H., of, 486; enters into a Convention with the Southern Confederacy. 477; reign of terror in; the situation considered by Messrs. Stuart and Mason, 478-9; popular vote on the Ordinance of Secession, 479; M. R. H. Garnett on Virginia and West Virginia, 47