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ulties besetting him, Mr. Lincoln did well, although he might have done better. Much allowance, must be made to one situated as he was. He undoubtedly deserves the most of the encomiums that have been lavished upon him. At the same time, the conclusion is inevitable that his fame as a statesman will ultimately depend less upon his treatment of the slavery issue than upon any other part of his public administration. The fact will always appear that it was the policy of Salmon P. Chase, Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Horace Greeley, Henry Ward Beecher, and other advocates of the radical cure, with whom the President was in constant opposition, that prevailed in the end, and with a decisiveness that proves it to have been feasible and sound from the beginning. Mr. Lincoln's most ultra prescription-his Emancipation Proclamation — was ineffective. If it was intended to eradicate slavery altogether, it was too narrow; if to free the slaves of Rebels only, it was too broad. So with h
cket, or to confront him with a strong independent Republican candidate. According to Messrs. Nicolay and Hay, Mr. Lincoln's private secretaries and his biographers, the movement started in New York City and had its ramifications in many parts of the country. One meeting was held at the residence of David Dudley Field, and was attended by such men as George William Curtis, Noyes, Wilkes, Opdyke, Horace Greeley, and some twenty-five others. In the movement were such prominent people as Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, and Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio. One of the men favorable to the proposition was Governor Andrew of Massachusetts. He, says his biographer, Peleg W. Chandler, was very busy in the movement in 1864 to displace the President. The secrecy, he adds, with which this branch of the Republican politics of that year has been ever since enveloped is something marvelous; there were so many concerned in it. When it all comes out, if it ever does, it will make a curious page in th
ional amendment, 144; special message to Congress, December, 1863, 144; emancipation policy, 145; and Abolitionists, 147; and Free-Soilers, 172; Congressional sentiment toward, 177; antagonism to, 177-180; Life of, by I. N. Arnold, 177. Lincoln, Sumner, 205. Longhead, Joseph, 203. Lovejoy, Elijah P., shooting of, 32, 89, 14-115, 161. Lowell, Ellis Gray, 204. Lundy, Benjamin, 27, 50-54; meeting with Garrison, 54. Lyon, Nathaniel, 188. M McCrummil, James, 203. McCullough, John, 203. Mwster, 204. Stebbins, Giles B., 205. Sterling, John M., 203. Stevens, Thaddeus, 148, 177. Stewart, Alvin, 205. Stillman, Edwin A., 203. Stockton, Henry K., 201 Stone, Lucy, 205. Stone, Thomas T., 205. Stowe, Harriet Beecher 11, 101, 102. Sumner, Charles, 148, 179. Sutliff, Levi, 203 Sutliff, Milton, 203. T Tappan, Arthur, 34. Tappan, Lewis, 34, 203. Taussig, James, 172. Taylor, Gen. Z., 6. Texas, annexation of, 44. Thatcher, Moses, 201. Thirteenth Amendment, 138; vote on, 143-