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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 53 1 Browse Search
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19 July, 1766. In Campbell's Chancellors, v. 257, 258. True to his affections, he next invited Chap. XXVI.} 1766. July. Temple, the beloved brother of his wife, the head of her family, and their common benefactor, to become the First Lord of the Treasury. But Temple, who had connected himself with Grenville Geo. Grenville to Bedford, 15 July, 1766, in Bedford Corr. III. 340. and the party of Bedford, refused to unite with the friends of Rockingham; and, having told the King, he would not ike a fool, Inquiry into the Conduct of a late Right Honorable Commoner, Durand, to Due de Choiseul, 3 Juillet, 1766. Temple to Lady Chatham, Chat. Corr. II. 469. he returned to Stowe, repeating this speech to the world, dictating a scurrilous p, and enjoying the notoriety of having been solicited to take office and been found impracticable. The discussion with Temple and its issue, still further aggravated the malady of Pitt. He was too ill, on the eighteenth, to see the King, or even
while it was even suggested by one person at least to construe some reported declarations of Otis Lansdowne House Ms., indorsed, Remarks on the Present State of America, April, 1767, from Mr. Morgan; Compare Bedford's Opinion, in Lyttelton to Temple, 25 Nov. 1767, in Phillimore's Life and Correspondence of Lyttelton, 743. as proofs of treason, and to bring him to trial in England on an impeachment by the House of Commons, the Attorney and Solicitor General of England, established his opinionn it would have expired by its own limitation. The moment was inviting to the Opposition. Raising some trivial questions on the form in which the amnesty Act of Massachusetts had been disallowed, the united factions of Rockingham, Bedford and Temple on one division left the Ministry a majority of but six, and on another of but three. De Guerchy to Choiseul, 26 May, 1767. On both these occasions the King made two of his brothers vote with the Ministry; of which the dissolution would ha
16 July, 1767, in Bedford's Corr. III. 373. Grenville to Temple, 18 July, 1767, in Grenville Papers, IV. 59. Walpole's Memoirs. Temple to Rigby, 17 July, 1767. Bedford to Rockingham, 17 July, 1767, &c. &c. Grenville to Rigby, 16 July, 1767; anxplained the purpose of the meeting, Bedford, on behalf of Temple and Grenville, Grenville to Rigby, 16 July, 1767; TemplTemple to Rigby, 16 July, 1767. Joint letter of Temple and Grenville, 17 July, 1767. declared their readiness to support a comprTemple and Grenville, 17 July, 1767. declared their readiness to support a comprehensive administration, provided it adopted the capital measure of asserting and establishing the sovereignty of Great Britn avowed his distrust of Grenville Compare Lyttelton to Temple, Nov. 1767, in Lyttelton's Life and Corr. II. 740. and TeTemple, and insisted on Conway's taking the lead in the House of Commons. This left no possibility of agreement; and we brokeut he was unaccommodating and impracticable. Whately to Temple, 30 July, 1767; in Lyttelton, 729. He has managed it ill,
en to the service in this country, from the servants of Government, than from any other cause. At first the strangest superciliousness and publicly expressed hatred to the country, excited disrespect and apprehensions against them. Compare Mr. John Temple to Mr. Grenville, Boston, New England, November 7, 1768, in Grenville Papers, IV. 396, 397. I am perfectly of opinion with General Gage, that the King's cause has been more hurt in this country by some of his own servants, than by all the wo8. Letters &c. &c. 117, 118. perhaps a little from panic, but more to support their own exalted notions of their dignity; terrify the town by fear of revenge on the part of England; and ensure the active interposition of the British Government. Temple, one of their number, refused to take part in the artifice, and remained in full security on shore. During the usual quiet of Sunday, Commissioners of the Customs to Bernard, 12 June, 1768; John Robinson to Collector and Comptroller of Bost
ed lists of persons whose appointment they advised. They both importuned the Ministry to remove Temple, Bernard to Hillsborough, 21 Feb. 1769. Hutchinson to the Duke of Grafton. who would not conion, Boston Gazette of 6 Feb. 1769; 723, 1 and 2. The notes to the Letter from London are by Temple. that the affections of the colonists were wasting away from the mother country, from the incapacity and avarice Temple to Grenville, 7 November, 1768; in Grenville Papers, IV. 396, and compare 460. of his associates. The wily Hutchinson opposed with all his influence the repeal of the Revely sent you, &c. &c. The gentleman was Hutchinson. This confirms Almon's statement. himself, to Temple, Almon's Biographical anecdotes of Eminent Men; II. 105. Biog. Of Thomas Whately. Mr. Whateefers to the very letter of Hutchinson above cited. Almon is good authority for what relates to Temple. and to others,—he declared that measures which he could not think of without pain were necessar
sion of the rights of the Imperial Sovereignty. By your own acts you will be judged. Your publications are plain and explicit, and need no comment. And he prorogued the General Court to the tenth of January. Their last message, he wrote to Hillsborough, exceeds every thing. Newport, Rhode Island, witnessed still bolder resistance. A vessel with a cargo of prohibited goods was rescued from the revenue officers, whose ship Chap. XLI.} 1769. July. named Liberty, was destroyed. Hulton, Temple, Paxton, to Gov. Pitkin, 7 Aug. 1769. William Reid's Affidavit. Representation to the King of Commissioners of Inquiry, 22 June, 1773. Just as this was heard of at Boston, Hillsborough's Circular promising relief from all real grievances and a repeal of the duties on glass, paper and colors, as contrary to the true principles of commerce, was received by Bernard, and was immediately made public. At once the merchants, assembling on the twenty-seventh of July, voted unanimously, that t
writers on the side of Government, Church, a professed patriot, being of the number; now triumphing at the spectacle of Otis, who was carried into the country, bound hand and foot as a maniac; now speculating on the sale of cheap teas at high prices; now urging the Government in England to remodel all the New England Provinces, even while he pretended that they were quiet and submissive. His only fears were lest the advice he had sent to the Ministry should become known in America, and lest Temple, who had gone to England and bore him contemptuous hatred, should estrange from him the confidence of Whately. Confirmed by the seeming tranquillity in America, and by the almost unprecedented strength of the Ministry in Parliament, Hillsborough gave free scope to the conceit, wrongheadedness, obstinacy and passion, which marked his character, and perplexed and embarrassed affairs by the perverse and senseless B. Franklin to S. Cooper, 5 February, 1771. exercise of authority. To show
rom John Adams, who cites Franklin as his authority. Such certainly was the opinion of Hutchinson. A Member of Parliament, by whom they had been communicated to Dr. Franklin. Hutchinson, III. 418. having discovered through John Temple, That Temple was privy to the plan of getting the letters, we know from Hutchinson and under his own hand. That he kept aloof, and at this time concealed his agency in the matter, appears from his own statement and from that of Franklin. Franklin gave his word not to name his informer. English writers have not noticed, that the English Ministry and Hutchinson seem to have had the means of discovering the secret, that the Ministry discouraged inquiry, and that Temple was subsequently forgiven, and appointed to a good place. that every perverse measure, and every grievance complained of took their rise not from the British Government, but were projected, proposed to Administration, solicited and obtained by some of the most respectable among the Am
mny which was attributed to Bernard, Knox, and Mauduit, was denied by one calling himself a Member of Parliament, who also truly affirmed, that the letters which were sent to Boston, had never been in the executor's hands. Again the Press declared, what was also true, that Whately, the executor, had submitted files of his brother's letters to Temple's examination, who, it was insinuated, had seized the opportunity to purloin them. Temple repelled the charge instantly and successfully. J. Temple to the Public Advertiser, 8 Dec. 1773; and for further reiterated denials, see Almon's Biog. Anec. 238,243, 245, 246, 249, 250, 251. 252. If he had gone for letters to perfect files, he might have found very much better ones for his purpose. Whately, the executor, never made a suggestion that the letters had been taken away by Temple, and always believed the contrary; Hutchinson's History, III. 416, and 418. but swayed not so much by the solicitations of Hutchinson and Mauduit, as by h
y are worthy of a great mind; I see their propriety, Chap. LII.} 1774. March and wish to adopt them; and the House directed North, Thurlow, and Wedderburn to prepare and bring in a bill accordingly. On the twenty-ninth of March, the Boston Port Bill underwent in the House of Lords a fuller and fairer discussion. The rightness of mind of Rockingham impelled him to resist it with firmness, and the Duke of Richmond ardently supported him. Nothing can justify the Ministers hereafter, said Temple, except the town of Boston proving in an actual state of rebellion. The good Lord Dartmouth, who sincerely desired to see lenient measures adopted, showed his disposition by calling what passed in Boston commotion, not open rebellion. Lord Mansfield, a man in the cool decline of life, acquainted only with the occupations of peace, a civil magistrate, covered with judicial purple and ermine that should have no stain of blood, with eyes broad open to the consequences, rose to take the guidan