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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 2,462 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 692 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 516 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 418 0 Browse Search
C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War 358 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 298 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 230 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 190 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 186 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 182 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8. You can also browse the collection for France (France) or search for France (France) in all documents.

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escape spending money even on himself. Claiming to have passed through the higher military ranks in some of the most respect able services of Europe, and to be a major general of five years standing, he had waited upon congress with the thought of being chosen commander in chief. Before he would consent to take rank after Ward, whom he despised, he exacted a promise of indemnity on renouncing his half pay; and at the very moment of his accepting employment from a body, which was looking to France for sympathy, he assured his king of his readiness to serve against the natural hereditary enemies of England with the utmost alacrity and zeal. Ever brooding over the risk he ran, he often regretted having hazarded his all in the American cause. Such was the man who, in the probable event of Ward's early resignation, was placed next in command to Washington. New York had been asked to propose the third major general; she had more than one citizen of superior military talent, but her pr
tor, Lee avoided asking advice of a council of war, and of himself requested the Massachusetts congress to depute one of their body to be a witness of what should pass. That body wisely dissuaded from the meeting, and referred him to a council of war for further advice. Thwarted in his purpose, Lee publicly declined to meet Burgoyne, but he also sent him a secret communication, in which among other things he declared upon his honor that the Americans had the certainty of being sustained by France and Spain. This clandestine correspondence proved that Lee had then no fidelity in his heart; though his treasons may as yet have been but caprices, implying momentary treachery rather than a well considered system. His secret was kept in America, but the statement found its way through the British ministry to Vergennes, Chap. XLII.} 1775. July. who pronounced it an absurdity worthy only of contempt. All the while skirmishes continued. A party of Americans on the eighth of July drove
suaded that the way to terminate the war in America, was to declare war against France. De Guines suppressed every sign of indignation or of surprise; and encouraged opinion, that England now, as before the last peace, was a match for Spain and France united; that, in the event of a war with those powers, America, through fear of the recovery of Canada by France, would give up her contest and side with England. Rochford repeated these remarks to the Spanish minister, from indiscretion, or inrgennes; who was unable to imagine, how sensible people could regard a war with France as a harbor of refuge; especially as her marine, which had been almost annihilas he was Chap. XLVII.} 1775. Aug. free from rancor. It had been the policy of France to save Poland by stirring up Sweden and Turkey against Russia; yet Panin did not misjudge the relations of Russia to France. Nor was he blinded by love for England; he wanted no treaty with her except with stipulations for aid in the contingen
nd. As to the colonies, the king would perish rather than consent to repeal the alterations in the charter of Massachusetts, or yield the absolute authority of parliament. The progress of these discussions was closely watched by the agents of France. Its ambassador, just after Penn's arrival, wrote of the king and his ministers to Vergennes: These people appear to me in a delirium; that there can be no conciliation we have now the certainty; Rochford even assures me once more, that it is dir cargoes. The captures already made under the authority of Washington they confirmed. To meet the further expenses of the war, they voted bills of credit to the amount of three millions more. A motion by Chase of Maryland to send envoys to France with conditional instructions did not prevail; but on the twenty ninth of November Harrison, Franklin, Johnson, Dickinson, and Jay were appointed a secret committee for the sole purpose of corresponding with friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and
written denial of Lee's assertion, that the Americans had a certainty of receiving support from France and Spain; but the intimation was evaded, for the king of France would not suffer himself to be France would not suffer himself to be made an instrument to bend the resistance of the Americans. If they should make us any application, said Vergennes, we shall dismiss them politely, and we shall keep their secret. Beaumarchais who encouraged the notion that England might seek to recover her colonies by entering on a war with France, and thus reviving their ancient sympathies. Having become acquainted with Arthur Lee, and haviinterests or the pride of the oligarchy, and was less capable of a generous impulse than that of France. The ministry did not scruple to engage troops wherever they chanced to be in the market. Th nation at her service during the whole war? Did not her majesty, at the risk of a rupture with France and Spain, forbid those powers to molest the Russian fleet which they would otherwise have annih
ricans as a people who had forfeited their lives and fortunes to the justice of the state. On the last day of October, Lord Stormont, the British ambassador in France, who had just returned to his post, was received at court. The king of France, whose sympathies were all on the side of monarchical power, said to him: Happily tFrance, whose sympathies were all on the side of monarchical power, said to him: Happily the opposition party is now very weak. From the king, Stormont went to Chap. LI.} 1775. Oct. Vergennes, who expressed the desire to live in perfect harmony with England; far from wishing to increase your embarrassments, said he,we see them with some uneasiness. The consequences, observed Stormont, cannot escape a man of your pe of Scotland. Adam Smith, the peer and the teacher of statesmen, enrolled among the servants of humanity and benefactors of our race, one who had closely studied France as well as Britain, and who in his style combined the grace and the clearness of a man of the world with profound wisdom and the sincere search for truth, applied
ggle; should Britain be unsuccessful in the next campaign, France will not sit still. Nothing but unity and bravery will brss, and all separate overtures were at an end. Meantime France and the thirteen colonies were mutually attracted towards tee, with whom he held several conferences by night. Will France aid us? and at what price? were the questions put to him. France, answered he, is well disposed to you; if she should give you aid, as she may, it will be on just and equitable conould be precipitate and even hazardous, for what passes in France is known in London; but if you will give me any thing in cated about a declaration of independence, and an appeal to France; that the British king had not as yet done them evil enougnd an arrangement made for purchasing the same articles of France by way of St. Domingo; that skilful engineers were much wae not without influence on the proceedings of congress; in France his letters were to form the subject of the most momentous
ome. Chap. LVI.} 1776. Jan. She did not protect us from our enemies on our account, but from her enemies on her own account. America would have flourished as much, and probably more, had no European power had any thing to do with governing her. France and Spain never were, nor perhaps ever will be, our enemies as Americans, but as the subjects of Great Britain. Britain is the parent country, say some; then the more shame upon her conduct. But Europe, and not England, is the parent country nt in America be legally and authoritatively occupied, where will be our freedom? where our property? Nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for independence. It is unreasonable to suppose that France or Chap. LVI.} 1776. Jan. Spain will give us assistance, if we mean only to use that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach. While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must in the eyes of foreign nations be considered as
. LVII.} had been known; that she would find herself, as formerly, engaged in a baleful war with France, her most powerful neighbor and her natural ally in the defence of the liberty of commerce; that a war between Britain and France would bring advantage to the navigation of the republic, if she would but maintain her neutrality; that she had never derived any benefit from a close alliance with Ea, readily attracted the vagabond veterans of former wars to the British standard. The kings of France had long been accustomed, with the consent of the cantons, to raise troops in Switzerland, and hmistress, a French superintendent of theatres for his librarian. But nothing could be less like France than his court; life in Cassel was spiritless; nobody here reads, said Forster; the different ravarian troops were among the worst in Germany; and besides, the court was so sold to Austria and France that the prince himself thought proper to warn the British diplomatist against speaking of the p
me wished first to ascertain the powers of the coming commissioners; some wished to wait for an explicit declaration from France; from the revolution of 1688 opposition to a standing army had been the watchword of liberty; the New England colonies hafrom the committee of Chap. LX.} 1776. Mar. secret correspondence an appointment as commercial commissioner and agent to France. That country, the committee instructed him to say, is pitched upon for the first application, from an opinion that if we should, as there is appearance we shall, come to a total separation with Great Britain, France would be the power whose friendship it would be fittest for us to obtain and cultivate. The announcement was coupled with a request for clothing and armies, till they declare themselves independent. Yet Dickinson and others, among whom were found William Livingston of New Jersey, and the elder Laurens of South Carolina, wished to make no such declaration before an alliance with the king of France.
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