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| Polybius, Histories | 310 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| P. Vergilius Maro, Aeneid (ed. Theodore C. Williams) | 138 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation | 134 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| M. Tullius Cicero, Orations, The fourteen orations against Marcus Antonius (Philippics) (ed. C. D. Yonge) | 102 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2 | 92 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| Diodorus Siculus, Library | 90 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| C. Julius Caesar, Commentaries on the Civil War (ed. William Duncan) | 86 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| Cornelius Tacitus, The History (ed. Alfred John Church, William Jackson Brodribb) | 70 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| P. Vergilius Maro, Aeneid (ed. John Dryden) | 68 | 0 | Browse | Search |
| Pausanias, Description of Greece | 66 | 0 | Browse | Search |
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Browsing named entities in John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2. You can also browse the collection for Italy (Italy) or search for Italy (Italy) in all documents.
Your search returned 46 results in 45 document sections:
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 4 (search)
Med., Pal., and Gud. originally, have
signant, which Heins. preferred and
Wagn. now adopts. But though signare
nomen might possibly mean to impress a
name, signat, the reading of Rom. and
most MSS., is far more natural, and the
confusion of sing. and pl. by transcribers
is common enough. Signare then will
mean to commemorate, as in 3. 287. Tac.
Germ. 28, perhaps imitating this passage,
has nomen signat loci memoriam.
Wagn. seems right in his former explanation
of the words the name of a city
and promontory in Italy is your epitaph,
Hesperia in magna going rather closely
with nomen. Comp. 6. 776, Haec
tum nomina erunt. Hesperia in magna
1. 569. Si qua est ea gloria as equivalent
to quae magna est gloria, just as
we might say if the glory of sepulture in
a great country be more than a dream.
Serv. and Don. think there is a reference
to the insensibility of the dead, which is
not improbable, on comParison of 10. 828.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 10 (search)
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 35 (search)
Aeneas had been warned by Creusa
(2. 781) that his destination was Italy,
ubi Lydius arva Inter opima virum leni
fluit agmine Thybris: and he says himself
3. 500, Si quando Thybrim vicinaque
Thybridos arva Intrarim gentique meae
data moenia cernam; 5. 83, Ausonium
quicunque est, quaerere Thybrim. Flecte
viam 5. 28, said by Aeneas to the pilot.
Terris advertere proram G. 4. 117.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 37 (search)
This invocation marks a great
epoch in the poem, and the commencement
of a new class of characters and legends.
The first words are from Apoll. R. 3. 1,
*ei) d' a)/ge nu=n, *)eratw/, para/ q' i(/staso, kai/
moi e)/nispe. But Erato, as the Muse of
Love, is more appropriately invoked to
rehearse the loves of Jason and Medea
than the present theme, though Germ.
thinks that the war in Italy may be said
to have been kindled by the love of Lavinia's
suitors, tanquam flabello. Virg.,
by the help of the Muse, will describe the
posture of affairs (tempora rerum) and
the condition of Latium (quis Latio antiquo
fuerit status) when Aeneas arrived,
and will trace the origin of the war between
Aeneas and the Latins (primae
revocabo exordia pugnae). Qui reges
seems to be said generally, including
Latinus and his ancestors, Turnus, and
perhaps the other Italian princes. With
tempora rerum comp. the expression
reipublicae tempus, which occurs more
than once in Cic. (Off. 3. 24 &c.), though
tempora he
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 47 (search)
In 8. 314 the Fauns and Nymphs
are the indigenous race that inhabited
Italy when Saturn came down to civilize
it. Laurens is properly the name of
that territory and tribe whose capital was
Laurentum: but Virg. uses it as a synonym
of Latinus. Thus Turnus the
Rutulian is called Laurens below v. 650.
Latium in its latest and widest signification
would include Minturnae on the
Liris.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 84 (search)
Mephitin was the old reading.
Mephitim was restored by Heins. from
Med. &c. Mephitis was worshipped as a
deity in various parts of Italy, as at
Amsanctus (see v. 564 below), Pliny 2. 93
(95), at Cremona, Tac. H. 3. 33. It had a
temple and grove at Rome on the Esquiline,
Varro L. L. 5. 49, Festus s. v. Septimontis.
Serv. says some made it a male
power, connected with Leucothea like Virbius
with Diana, which may possibly account
for saevum, the reading of Med.
Comp. generally 6. 240. Saevam like
saevior pestis 3. 214. Virg. may have
thought of Apoll. R. 4. 599, li/mnhs ei)s proxoa\s
polubenqe/os: h(\ d' e)/ti nu=n per *trau/matos
ai)qome/noio baru\n a)nakhki/ei a)tmo/n.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 86 (search)
There were many oracles of this
kind in Greece, generally in caves, as that
of Trophonius at Lebadea and that of
Amphiaraus at Thebes and Oropus. Virg.
seems to have transferred the custom to
Italy. Heyne remarks that Tiburtus, the
founder of Tibur (mentioned below v. 670),
was the son of Amphiaraus. This again
tends to prove that the oracle mentioned by
Virg. was at or near Tibur. Serv. observes
that incubare is the proper term for
this mode of consultation, answering to
e)gkoima=sqai: comp. Plaut. Curc. 2. 2. 16,
Cic. Div. 1. 43. Rams were sacrificed,
and the worshipper slept in their skins,
Pausan. 1. 34 (of Amphiaraus), Strabo 6.
p. 284 (of Calchas in Daunia).
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 123 (search)
Nunc repeto 3. 184. Anchises
introduces a difficulty. Celaeno (3.
255) prophesies that they should be driven
to eat their tables, and Helenus (ib. 394)
confirms it, with an assurance that the
fates should find a solution. The words of
Celaeno, ambesas subigat malis absumere
mensas, are almost exactly the
same as those which are here ascribed to
Anchises, and she connects the incident
with the foundation of the city, though
she does not make it a token that they
have found their home. The discrepancy
is only one out of several which exist between
the Third Book and other parts
of the poem. Some have fancied that
this was one of the things revealed by Anchises
to Aeneas in Elysium (6. 890 foll.), but
reliquit points to predictions delivered in
life, perhaps altered or bequeathed on the
deathbed. Ignota ad litora is again
inconsistent with the speech of Celaeno,
who expressly mentions Italy. Fatorum
arcana 1. 262, apparently = arcana
fata.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 177 (search)
Ex ordine, in a row, between
the pillars of the portico. They are not in
the order of succession. See vv. 45 foll.
Professor Seeley, Introduction to Livy p.
19, notices this passage as a remarkable
instance of Euhemerism: the gods of Italy
being identified with ancient kings.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 195-211 (search)
Latinus asks the Trojans
what they want, offers them hospitality,
and remembers that Dardanus, their deified
ancestor, originally came from Italy.