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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 60 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 54 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 24 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 14 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 12 0 Browse Search
Medford Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. 12 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 10 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 7. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 10 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: April 30, 1862., [Electronic resource] 10 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: January 14, 1862., [Electronic resource] 6 0 Browse Search
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ate extinction. But he went on to say that the men of the present age, by their experience, have become wiser than the framers of the Constitution; and the invention of the cotton gin had made the perpetuity of slavery a necessity in this country. As another piece of evidence tending to this same point : Quite recently in Virginia, a man — the owner of slaves-made — a will providing that after his death certain of his slaves should have their freedom if they should so choose, and go to Liberia, rather than remain in slavery. They chose to be liberated. But the persons to whom they would descend as property, claimed them as slaves. A suit was instituted, which finally came to the Supreme Court of Virginia, and was therein decided against the slaves, upon the ground that a negro cannot make a choice — that they had no legal power to choose-could not perform the condition upon which their freedom depended. I do not mention this with any purpose of criticising it, but to conne<
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., First joint debate, at Ottawa, August 21, 1858. (search)
no more responsible for the origin of slavery than we, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it, in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I surely will not blame, them for not doing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to fret all the slaves, and send them to Liberia — to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would all perish in the next ten days ; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings? Is it quite certain that thi
g in its first ascent of the Mississippi. Congress was busy with the multifarious work that crowded the closing weeks of the long session; and among this congressional work the debates and proceedings upon several measures of positive and immediate antislavery legislation were significant signs of the times. During the session, and before it ended, acts or amendments were passed prohibiting the army from returning fugitive slaves; recognizing the independence and sovereignty of Haiti and Liberia; providing for carrying into effect the treaty with England to suppress the African slave trade; restoring the Missouri Compromise and extending its provisions to all United States Territories; greatly increasing the scope of the confiscation act in freeing slaves actually employed in hostile military service; and giving the President authority, if not in express terms, at least by easy implication, to organize and arm negro regiments for the war. But between the President's proclamatio
four thousand drawn up in line of battle, who, at the first fire of artillery, also decamped, leaving tents, equipage, private baggage, half-written letters, and other things, indicating a great surprise. Enough tents were left to accommodate a division. Everything was burned. The Nationals captured twelve prisoners, none of whom expressed regret at being taken.--Chicago Tribune. The United States Senate passed the bill for the appointment of diplomatic representatives to Hayti and Liberia. Col. Crocker and Major Cassidy, belonging to the Ninety-third regiment of New York volunteers, were this morning taken prisoners by the rebels near Yorktown, Va.--Philadelphia Inquirer. Gen. Banks's advance-guard, Col. Donnelly commanding, took three prisoners to-day, at a point nine miles beyond Harrisonburgh, Va. One of them says he belongs to company B of the Tenth Virginia regiment of infantry. This regiment had been on the Rappahannock, according to previous information.--G
March 23. The treaty between the United States and Liberia was officially promulgated.--The schooner Charm was captured at the mouth of Indian River Inlet, Fla., by a boat expedition from the National steamer Sagamore.--The expeditionary, force of National troops, under the command of Col. John D. Rust, which left Beaufort, S. C., on the nineteenth instant, arrived at Jacksonville, Florida, to-day.--(Doc. 148.)
ling Exile. I rode one day several miles with a free man of color, and conversed with him all the way. At the age of thirteen he was liberated by his owner, a Quaker gentleman, who sold his estates, and manumitted all his slaves before going to the North. He had six children by his first wife, but, as she was a slave, they were born into bondage also. He said that he had done well in a pecuniary way here, but that, before three years were over, he and all his children would sail for Liberia. No, sir, he said in reply to a question, I wouldn't leave a child of mine in a country where they may be sold into slavery, even if they are free, if they cannot pay their taxes. You don't mean to say---- Yes, sir, he continued, interrupting me, they does that here. Hold! enough!-- Thus abruptly terminates the last letter that I wrote to my Northern anti-slavery friends during my first trip South. I have omitted the purely didactic passages, as my object is to furnish f
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture IX: the necessity for the institution of domestic slavery exemplified by facts. (search)
to remember that no dark picture can be drawn without dipping the pencil in dark colors. I have an interest in a slave, who is no doubt in the moral condition of freedom, as before defined. I have assured this man that he ought to go to Liberia, in Africa, and have insisted on his consenting to go. But still I am so deeply convinced of the truth and importance of the facts here stated in regard to our free colored population, that a sense of duty to him and to the community forbid that he beis originally traceable to the fact that they are not, intellectually and morally, prepared for self-government, is still more clearly deducible from a Third consideration — the colonization experiment on the coast of Africa. The colony of Liberia has already taken its place among the nations of the earth as a free and independent government. No colony has ever prospered as that has done. As a rising nation, it shares the sympathy of the civilized world. It is destined to become the as
ee colored youth were educated in New England, toward the close of the last century, with express reference to missionary labor in Africa in connection with the Colonization movement. Two of these ultimately, though at a mature age, migrated to Liberia, where they died soon after. Thirty-eight American blacks emigrated to Sierra Leone in 1815, under the auspices and in the vessel of one of their own number. The initial organization of the American Colonization Society took place at Princetonnal number dispatched during the succeeding thirty years was not far from eight thousand. The city founded by the original emigrants received the name of Monrovia, and in 1847 the colony declared itself an independent republic under the name of Liberia. That republic still exists, enjoying a moderate and equable prosperity, in spite of its unhealthiness for whites, and for all but duly acclimated blacks, on account of its tropical and humid location. But the Colonization movement, though b
take command, as was expected. The New Orleans Picayune of about May 15th, 1861, said: All the Massachusetts troops now in Washington are negroes, with the exception of two or three drummer boys. Gen. Butler, in command, is a native of Liberia. Our readers may recollect old Ben, the barber, who kept a shop in Poydras-street, and emigrated to Liberia with a small competence. Gen. Butler is his son. The North was habitually represented to the ignorant masses of the South as thirsting Liberia with a small competence. Gen. Butler is his son. The North was habitually represented to the ignorant masses of the South as thirsting for their blood and bent on their extermination — as sending forth her armies instructed to ravish, kill, lay waste, and destroy; and the pulpit was not far behind the press in disseminating these atrocious falsehoods. Hence, the Southern militia, and even conscripts, were impelled by a hate or horror of their adversaries which rendered them valiant in their own despite, making them sometimes victors where the memories of their grandfathers at Charleston and at Guilford, and of their fathers a
e, of S. C., remarks on the adoption of the Constitution, 45, 47. Butler, Gen. Benjamin F., in the Charleston Convention, 311; 318; arrives in Maryland with the 8th Mass., 468; at Annapolis, 469-70: takes possession of Baltimore, 471; born in Liberia, 508; 528; seizes Geo. P. Kane, 529; commands the Hatteras expedition, 599; 600; 627. Butler, Gen. Wm. O., of Ky., nominated for Vice-President, 191. Butler, Major, (Rebel,) killed at Belmont, 597. C. Cabell, E. C., envoy from Jacksy, 620. Lex, Charles E., speech at Philadelphia, 365. Lexington, Mo., a Border Ruffian rendezvous, 283; the siege and battle of, 586 to 589; Col. Mulligan's official report, 588-9; why not reenforced, 593-4. Liberator, The, 116; 122. Liberia, colonization of, 72. liberty, Mo., Federal Arsenal seized at, 490. Lincoln, Abraham, in the Rep. Convention of 1156, 246; his canvass of Illinois with Douglas, 301; his speeches there. 3801-2; nominated for the Presidency, 321; his posit
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