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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Twelve little Dirty questions. (search)
gh Land has been in his coffin for more than two centuries, this Church which never meddles with little questions, has been well-nigh sundered upon points of architecture, of upholstery, of tailoring, of genuflexions and of decorations; while in America we have had petty reproductions of the same differences, with the disgusting spectacle of a Right Reverend Father in God, riding, all booted and spurred, at the head of his rebel regiments. After this, to find Dr. Hawks so delicately squeamish and so doubtful about the authority of the Church in public affairs, must excite commiseration both for his stomach and his understanding. Shall the United State of America be deprived of an immense territory acquired at a cost of blood and treasure absolutely incomputable? This is Dr. Hawks's Little Dirty Question, No. One. Shall the Constitution of the United States be overthrown by the perjuries of its sworn defenders? This is Dr. Hawks's Little Dirty Question, No. Two. Shall th
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Democracy in London. (search)
have agreed that American Democracy was but another name for license and the synonym for anarchy. Can any one doubt, when The Times thus suddenly shifts its key-note, and affects to be in love with what it considers to be the popular party in America, that it cares for nothing but a change in the Administration, and patronizes our opponents because they would be least likely, if in office, to negotiate a lasting and honorable peace? It is strange that even the most distant observers should nity of the Nineteenth Century. Strong in their monopoly of a single agricultural staple, they boasted of their power to change the religious convictions of great empires by sordid influences and pecuniary temptations. The Northern States of America were not to be deluded into so much as a quasi endorsement of cruelty and barbarism even by old associations and cherished traditions, and still less by gross and direct appeals to the pocket. But the man-owners were more fortunate abroad, wher
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), At home and abroad. (search)
a proclamation more than commonly bloodthirsty. And it may be asserted generally, that whatever objections may be made to the Proclamation, they have found all their point and force in the assumption that so far from being mere flummery and subterfuge, it means precisely what it says. Nobody here, however enraged by its contents, has hit upon the notable expedient of regarding it as a mere morsel of party management. The London critics have the advantage of their negro-hating friends in America in that particular. The members of Congress from the Border States, whose love of Slavery is stronger than their love of the Union, are exceedingly loud in their lamentations. The politicians of the pot-houses read the Proclamation, and as they do so, curse the negro with a renewed vehemence; while the intelligent masses of the Northern people accept it with a good faith, which we say, without any disrespect to the President or distrust of his fidelity, will compel good faith in return.