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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 34 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 23 1 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 16 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 9 5 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 6 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: June 29, 1863., [Electronic resource] 6 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 4 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 4 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: October 5, 1861., [Electronic resource] 4 0 Browse Search
Col. Robert White, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 2.2, West Virginia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 4 0 Browse Search
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Speech of Senator Douglas: delivered at Bloomington, Ill., July 16th, 1858. (Mr. Lincoln was present.) Senator Douglas, said: Mr. Chairman, and Fellow Citizens of Mclean County: To say that I am profoundly touched by the hearty welcome you have extended me, and by the kind and complimentary sentiments you have expressed toward me, is but a feeble expression of the feelings of my heart. I appear before you this evening for the purpose of vindicating the course which I have felt it Their mode of making. war is not to enter into those States where slavery exists, and there interfere, and render themselves responsible for the consequences. Oh no! They stand on this side of the Ohio river and shoot across. They stand in Bloomington, and shake their fists at the people of Lexington ; they threaten South Carolina from Chicago. And they call that bravery! But they are very particular, as Mr. Lincoln says, not to enter into those States for the purpose of interfering with
He says that he carefully read that speech. He told us that. at Chicago a week ago last night, and he repeated it at Bloomington last night. Doubtless, he repeated it again to-clay, though I did not hear him. In the the two first places-Chicago and Bloomington — I heard him ; to-day I did not. He said he had carefully examined that, speech ; when he did not say; but there is no reasonable doubt it was when he was in New York preparing his plan of campaign. I am glad he did read it carefullagain said that I would not enter into any of the States to disturb the institution of slavery. Judge Douglas said, at Bloomington, that I used language most able and ingenious for concealing what I really meant ; and that while I had protested agaig I replied, and reminded him of a Supreme Court decision which he opposed for at least several years. Last night, at Bloomington, he took some notice of that reply; but entirely forgot to remember that part of it. He renews his onslaught upon
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The following is the correspondence between the two rival candidates for the United States Senate: (search)
ade. After that, there was, before the election, largely over two months of clear time. For you to say that we have already spoken at Chicago and Springfield and that on both occasions I had the concluding speech is hardly a fair statement. The truth rather is this: At Chicago, July 9th, you made a carefully-prepared conclusion on my speech of June 16th. Twenty-four hours after, I made a hasty conclusion on yours of the 9th. You had six days to prepare, and concluded on me again at Bloomington on the 16th. Twenty-four hours after, I concluded again on you at Springfield. In the meantime, you had made another conclusion on me at Springfield which I did not hear, and of the contents of which I knew nothing when I spoke I so that your speech made in daylight, and mine at night, of the 17th, at Springfield, were both made in perfect independence of each other. The.dates of making all these speeches will show, I think, that in the matter of time for preparation, the advantage has
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Second joint debate, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. (search)
me as though I had refused to answer his interrogatories. I now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, upon condition that he will answer questions from me not exceeding the same number. I give him an opportunity to respond. The Judge remains silent. I now say that I will answer his interrogatories, whether he answers mine or not; and that after I have done so, I shall propound mine to him. I have supposed myself, since the organization of the Republican party at Bloomington, in May, 1856, bound as a party man by the platforms of the party, then and since. If in any interrogatories which I shall answer I go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but myself. Having said thus much, I will take up the Judge's interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times and answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the interrogatories in writing, and also my
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
of Illinois, which have since been consolidated into the Republican party, assembled together in a State Convention at Bloomington. They adopted at that time, what, in political language, is called a platform. In June of the same year, the elementde his first speech in Chicago, the evening afterward I made some sort of a reply to it. His second speech was made at Bloomington, in which he commented upon my speech at Chicago, and said that I had used language ingeniously contrived to conceal mat District. I had also seen that the Republican Congressional Conventions at Rockford, in the First District, and at Bloomington, in the Third, had adopted the same platform that yeas, nearly word for word, and had declared it to be the platform oat they had never been adopted at Springfield. He does not deny their adoption by the Republican party at Aurora, at Bloomington, and at Rockford, and by nearly all the Republican County Conventions in Northern Illinois where his party is in a maj
ld not admit of as many limitations and modifications as if spoken under other circumstances. In 1866 Judge Davis said in a statement made to me in his home at Bloomington, which I still have, Mr. Lincoln had no managing faculty nor organizing power; hence a child could conform to the simple and technical rules, the means and the s, counsel, prisoners, everybody ate at a long table. The judge, Lincoln, and I had the ladies' parlor fitted up with two beds. Lincoln, Swett, McWilliams, of Bloomington, Voorhees, of Covington, Ind., O. L. Davis, Drake, Ward Lamon, Lawrence, Beckwith, and 0. F. Harmon, of Danville, Whiteman, of Iroquois County, and Chandler, ofster himself would have charged. We cannot allow such a claim. Stung by the rebuff, Lincoln withdrew the bill, and started for home. On the way he stopped at Bloomington. There he met Grant Goodrich, Archibald Williams, Norman B. Judd, 0. H. Browning, and other attorneys, who, on learning of his modest charge for such valuable
ign, calling a county convention in Springfield to select delegates for the forthcoming Republican State convention in Bloomington. The paper was freely circulated and generously signed. Lincoln was absent at the time and, believing I knew what hil of the political fortunes of Abraham Lincoln. The Republican party came into existence in Illinois as a party at Bloomington, May 29, 1856. The State convention of all opponents of anti-Nebraska legislation, referred to in a foregoing paragrad paper away and lived only in the inspiration of the hour. If Mr. Lincoln was six feet, four inches high usually, at Bloomington that day he was seven feet, and inspired at that. From that day to the day of his death he stood firm in the right. s never written out nor printed, and we are obliged to depend for its reproduction upon personal recollection. The Bloomington convention and the part Lincoln took in it met no such hearty response in Springfield as we hoped would follow. It fe
and uphold and discuss it before the people, than be victorious without it. This was not the first time Lincoln had endorsed the dogma that our Government could not long endure part slave and part free. He had incorporated it in a speech at Bloomington in 1856, but in obedience to the emphatic protest of Judge T. Lyle Dickey and others, who conceived the idea that its delivery would make abolitionists of all the North and slavery propagandists of all the South, and thereby precipitate a strun answer to the one made by Lincoln in Springfield. Lincoln was present at this reception, but took no part in it. The next day, however, he replied. Both speeches were delivered at the same place. Leaving Chicago, Douglas passed on down to Bloomington and Springfield, where he spoke on the 16th and 17th of July respectively. On the evening of the latter day Lincoln responded again in a most effective and convincing effort. The contest now took on a different phase. Lincoln's Republican f
n the central part of the State, but it was so commonplace, and met with such indifferent success, that he soon dropped it altogether. As we were going to Danville court I read to Lincoln a lecture by Bancroft on the wonderful progress of man, delivered in the preceding November. Sometime later he told us-Swett and me — that he had been thinking much on the subject and believed he would write a lecture on Man and His Progress. Afterwards I re a~d in a paper that he had come to either Bloomington or Clinton to lecture and no one turned out. The paper added, That doesn't look much like his being President. I once joked him about it;, e s? id good-naturedly Don't; that plagues me. --Henry a. Whitney letter, Aug. 27, 1867. The effort met with the disapproval of his friends, and he himself was filled with disgust. If his address in 1852, over the death of Clay, proved that he was no eulogist, then this last effort demonstrated that he was no lecturer. Invitations to deliver the l
th being about Springfield and Jacksonville, extending to Quincy on the west, and mine was at Bloomington and vicinity and south and southeast. These divisions were kept up a while after Mr. Linc general vicinity by Mr. Lincoln in the early part of his administration, and Judge Davis, of Bloomington, and Mr. Browning, of Quincy, were aspirants for the position. Mr. Browning had the advantags not a living force felt constantly by the President at Washington. I was then living at Bloomington, and met Judge Davis every day. As months elapsed we used to get word from Washington in refeinted Browning, Judge Davis, General Orme, and myself held a consultation in my law-office at Bloomington. We decided that the remark was too Lincolnian to be mistaken and no man but he could have p wrote him a notice of the appointment, which Davis received the same afternoon I returned to Bloomington. Judge Davis was about fifteen years my senior. I had come to his circuit at the age of
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