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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
Union only, to rule over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in such a measure can have seriously reflected upon the consequences which must inevitably follow, in case of success? Can they have the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate? Would he be required to follow the same rule prescribed by those who elected him in making his appointments? If a man living south of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy to be President or Vice-President, would it be proper to select one from the same quarter as one of his Cabinet Council, or to represent the nation in a foreign country? Or, indeed, to collect the revenue, or administer the laws of the United States? If not, what new rule is the President to adopt in selecting men for office that the people themselves discard in selecting him? These are serious but practical questions; and, in order to appreciate them fully, it is only
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxvii. Ominous pause. (search)
ether we go to the South, or they come to us? I would rather be the magnanimous brother or friend, to hold out the hand of reconciliation, than he who, as magnanimously, receives the proffer. It takes little discernment to see that one policy will enrich us, and the other impoverish us. Knowing our rights and interests, we dare maintain them. The Delaware River only separates us from the State of Delaware for more than one hundred miles. A portion of our State extends south of Mason and Dixon's line, and south of Washington city. The Constitution made at Montgomery has many modifications and amendments desired by the people of this State, and none they would not prefer to disunion. We believe that Slavery is no sin; that the negro is not equal to the white man; that Slavery — subordination to the superior race — is his natural and normal condition; still, we might desire some change in the Constitution, which time may effect; but, as a whole, it is, in my opinion, the only basi
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 29 (search)
if lie has conceived it under the excitement aroused by the seizure of Fort Sumter, he is a guilty Hotspur. In either case, he is miserably unfit for the exalted position in which the enemies of the country have placed him. Let the people instantly take him and his Administration into their own hands, if they would rescue the land from bloodshed, and the Union from sudden and irretrievable destruction. The National Intelligencer--perhaps the only journal of note issued south of Mason and Dixon's line that did not utterly execrate the President's call — thus mildly indicated [April 16th] its dissent from the policy thereby initiated: For ourselves, we have to express the hope and belief that, until the meeting of Congress, the President will employ the forces of the Government in purely defensive purposes, guarding all points threatened with attack, and awaiting, in the mean time, the counsel and cooperation of the people's representatives, before proceeding to ulterior measure
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxxi. The forces in conflict. (search)
pitch of intense exasperation, between those who respect their political obligations, and those who have apparently no impelling power but that which a fanatical position on the subject of domestic Slavery imparts. Without discussing the question of right — of abstract power to secede — I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur without blood; and if through the madness of Northern Abolitionists that dire calamity must come, the fighting sill not be along Mason and Dixon's line merely. It will be, within our own borders, in our own streets, between the two classes of citizens to whom I have (referred. Those who defy law and scout constitutional obligations, will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough at home. Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave the country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home would be of little service. I have tried to impress upon our people, especially in
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
ouri delegate, 80; 90; introduces his Compromise Tariff, 101; defends the Cherokees, 102; proposes Emancipation in Kentucky, 111; 148-9; is written to by Tyler in 1825, 154; 155; 15; his letter to The National Intelligencer, etc., 167; review of the Presidential canvass, 168; his instructions to Mr. Gallatin, 176; in the Whig Convention of 1848, 192; his Compromise of 1850, 203; replies to Jeff. Davis, 205; reports a bill organizing Utah, etc., 207; his Compromise measures adopted, 208; 222; Dixon's opinion of Clay's sentiments, 230-1; 265; favors the Panama Congress, 267; instructions to Minister Everett, 268; instructions to Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant, 269; letter to Leslie Combs, etc., 343-4; he likens the Union to a marriage, 857; allusion to, 399; 404; Pollard's estimate of Clay's influence, etc., 609-10. Clayton, John M., of Del., 190. Clemens, Hon. Jere., at Huntsville, Ala., 632. Cleveland, Ohio, Gov. Seward's speech at, 199; John Brown's proceedings at, 288. Cl
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 69 (search)
ble humor at so much retreating, and especially at being obliged to retire from Dogwood Gap without fighting, were much exhausted and annoyed at having been kept on the road from six in the morning till eleven at night, mixed up with an interminable train of wagons belonging to the Floyd Brigade, for the purpose of only proceeding a few miles, and without being able to obtain any definite order as to their destination. On the eastern slope of the Big Sewell, between two small farms called Dixon's and Vaughan's, Gen. Wise selected his camping ground at the place since called Camp Defiance, and which undoubtedly is, with Dogwood Gap, one of the strongest positions between the Alleghanies and the Ohio River. On the 15th and 16th Gen. Floyd was industriously occupied throwing up field-works to the westward of the summit of Big Sewell. The position, however, was not one tenable against a superior force, and this Gen. Floyd seems to have found out. On the night of the 16th to the 17t
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 10: the woman order, Mumford's execution, etc. (search)
as it did there was a universal hush. The bottles and pistols went out of sight, and the crowd separated as quietly as if it were from the funeral of the most distinguished citizen. And no scene approaching general disorder was ever afterwards witnessed during my time. The fate of Mumford caused the greatest excitement throughout the whole Confederacy. Threats of retaliatory vengeance came from the governor of Louisiana, and were circulated by all the cognate rascals south of Mason and Dixon's line, including Jefferson Davis. Mumford's wife and family were declared to be the sacred trust of the people, and his children the wards of the Confederacy. Subscription papers were immediately called for, and very considerable sums were raised to support them thereafter in comfort. The reader may be interested to know how well this was carried out. I heard and thought nothing more upon the subject, except as a passing reflection, until about the year 1869, the date not recollected,
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 178 (search)
The following advertisement appears in The Mobile Advertiser: 75,000 coffins wanted.--Proposals will be received to supply the Confederacy with 75,000 Black coffins. No proposals will be entertained coming North of Mason and Dixon's line. Direct of Jeff. Davis, Montgomery, Ala.--N. Y. Tribune.
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 45 (search)
occupied the parapet just to the right of the sally-port. On the outside of the fort two companies of the Charleston battalion held the sand-hills along the beach, and their face extending from the sally-port to the sea beach. The artillerists occupied the several gun-chambers, and two light field pieces were placed in battery, outside of the fort on the traverse, near the sally-port. The artillery command consisted of Captains Tatum and Adams' First South Carolina infantry, Buckner and Dixon's Sixty-third Georgia heavy artillery, and Captain Du Pass, commanding light artillery, all under the general command of Lieutenant-Colonel Simkins, Chief of Artillery. The infantry, except the Charleston battalion, and the artillery, except the gun detachments, were placed, shortly after the shelling commenced, under cover of the bomb-proofs. The first-named battalion, with a heroic intrepidity never surpassed, animated by the splendid example of their field officers, Lieutenant-Colonel G
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 2: Two Years of Grim War. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller), part 1.2, Antietam — the invasion of the North (search)
hrough the struggles of the summer of 1862 he had looked forward to the time when he could announce his decision to the people. But he could not do it then. With the doubtful success of Federal arms, to make such a bold step would have been a mockery and would have defeated the very end he sought. The South had now struck its first desperate blow at the gateways to the North. By daring, almost unparalleled in warfare, it had swung its courageous army into a strategical position where with the stroke of fortune it might have hammered down the defenses of the National capital on the south and then sweep on a march of invasion into the North. The Northern soldiers had parried the blow. They had saved themselves from disaster and had held back the tide of the Confederacy as it beat against the Mason and Dixon line, forcing it back into the State of Virginia where the two mighty fighting bodies were soon to meet again in a desperate struggle for the right-of-way at Fredericksburg.
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