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Sallust, Conspiracy of Catiline (ed. John Selby Watson, Rev. John Selby Watson, M.A.), chapter 3 (search)
elf, however, when a young man,When a young man] Adolescentulus. "It is generally admitted that all were called adolescentes by the Romans, who were between the fifteenth or seventeenth year of their age and the fortieth. The diminutive is used in the same sense, but with a view to contrast more strongly the ardor and spirit of youth with the moderation, prudence, and experience of age. So Cæsar is called adolescentulus, in c. 49, at a time when he was in his thirty-third year." Dietsch. And Cicero, referring to the time of his consulship, says, Defendi rempublicam adolescens, Philipp. ii. 46. was at first led by inclination, like most others, to engage in political affairs;To engage in political affairs] Ad rempublicam. "In the phrase of Cornelius Nepos, honoribus operam dedi, I sought to obtain some share in the management of the Republic. All public matters were comprehended under the term Respublica." Cortius. but in that pursuit many circumstances were unfavorable to me; for, inst
Sallust, Conspiracy of Catiline (ed. John Selby Watson, Rev. John Selby Watson, M.A.), chapter 8 (search)
to which illustrious intellects could exalt it in their writings. But among the Romans there was never any such abundance of writers;There was never any such abundance of writers] Nunquam ea copia fuit. I follow Kuhnhardt, who thinks copia equivalent to multitudo. Others render it advantage, or something similar; which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c. 28: Latrones--quorum--magna copia erat. for, with them, the most able men were the most actively employed. No one exercised the mind independently of the body: every man of ability chose to act rather than narrate,Chose to act rather than narrate] "For," as Cicero says, " neither among those who are engaged in establishing a state, nor among those carrying on wars, nor among those who are curbed and restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in eloquence wont to arise." Graswinckelius. and was more desirous that his own merits should be celebrated by others, than that he himself should record theirs.
Sallust, Conspiracy of Catiline (ed. John Selby Watson, Rev. John Selby Watson, M.A.), chapter 17 (search)
g boys playing at ball, of inflicting a certain number of strokes on the leg of an unsuccessful player. Plutarch, Life of Cicero, c. 17. Publius Autronius,Publius Autronius] He had been a companion of Cicero in his boyhood, and his colleague in the qCicero in his boyhood, and his colleague in the quæstorship. He was banished in the year after the conspiracy, together with Cassius, Læca, Vargunteius, Servius Sylla, and Caius Cornelius, under the Plautian law. De Brosses. Lucius Cassius Longinus,Lucius Cassius Longinus] He had been a competitor he was removed from the senate, A.U.C. 683. See c. 23. As he had been the first to give information of the conspiracy to Cicero, public honors were decreed him, but he was deprived of them by the influence of Cæsar, whom he had named as one of the c,Lucius Statilius] of him nothing more is known than is told by Sallust. Publius Gabinius Capito,Publius Gabinius Capito] Cicero, instead of Capito, calls him Cimber. Orat. in Cat., iii. 3. The family was originally from Gabii. Caius Cornelius ;Caius
Sallust, Conspiracy of Catiline (ed. John Selby Watson, Rev. John Selby Watson, M.A.), chapter 22 (search)
word to the circulators of the report, I follow Cortius, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Bernouf. Wasse, with less discrimination, refers it to Catiline. This story of the drinking of human blood is copied by Florus, iv. 1, and by Plutarch in his Life of Cicero. Dio Cassius (lib. xxxvii.) says that the conspirators were reported to have killed a child on the occasion. that he did this, in order that they might be the more closely attached to one another, by being mutually conscious of such an atrocity. he occasion. that he did this, in order that they might be the more closely attached to one another, by being mutually conscious of such an atrocity. But so some thought that this report, and many others, were invented by persons who supposed that the odium against Cicero, which afterward arose, might be lessened by imputing an enormity of guilt to the conspirators who had suffered death. The evidence which I have obtained, in support of this charge, is not at all in proportion to its magnitude.
Sallust, Conspiracy of Catiline (ed. John Selby Watson, Rev. John Selby Watson, M.A.), chapter 23 (search)
d acting, in his general conduct, with greater arrogance than ever.With greater arrogance than ever] Ferociùs quàm solitus erat. Fulvia, having learned the cause of his extravagant behavior, did not keep such danger to the state a secret; but, without naming her informant, communicated to several persons what she had heard and under what circumstances, concerning Catiline's conspiracy. This intelligence it was that incited the feelings of the citizens to give the consulship to Marcus Tullius Cicero.To Marcus Tullius Cicero] Cicero was now in his forty-third year, and had filled the office of quæstor, edile, and prætor. For before this period, most of the nobility were moved with jealousy, and thought the consulship in some degree sullied, if a man of no family,A man of no family] Novus homo. A term applied to such as could not boast of any ancestor that had held any curule magistracy, that is, had been consul, prætor, censor, or chief edile. however meritorious, obtained it. But when d
Francis Glass, Washingtonii Vita (ed. J.N. Reynolds), CAPUT QUARTUM. (search)
it, inivitque: nosque ad extremam armis propulsandi à cervicibus nostris gladios districtos necessitatem compulerunt. Tamen, quantumvis Senatus iste, præ nimiâ imperii aviditate, cæcutiat, jusque et hominum existimationem contemnat, nosmetipsos, ob amorem in gentes reliquas, ad causæ, quâ versamur, justitiam exponendam impelli arbitramur. ” Hæcce expositio audax et perspicua, sexto Julii die, Christi anno millessimo septingentesimo septuagesimo quinto, Philadelphiæ data,Data, “ dated, ” thus Cicero, datum pridi Id. Jun. Literally, “ given. ” et à Joanne Hancockio, et Carolo Thomson, subscripta. Ille Congressûs præses, hic autem à secretisA secretis, “ a secretary: ” thus, a libellis, a master of requests, &c. fuit. Eodem ferè tempore, coloniæ inter se concordiâ mirâ consentiebant. Amor patriæ ordines omnes, cujusque ætatis homines incitavit: præjudicia etiam religiosa insigni patriæ studio superabantur. TremebundorûmTremebundorum, “ Quakers, ” or, as
M. Annaeus Lucanus, Pharsalia (ed. Sir Edward Ridley), book 1, line 33 (search)
: et trunco non frondibus efficit umbram.' Adorned with venerable spoils, and gifts Of bygone leaders, by its weight to earth With feeble roots still clings; its naked arms And hollow trunk, though leafless, give a shade; And though condemned beneath the tempest's shock To speedy fall, amid the sturdier trees In sacred grandeur rules the forest still. No such repute had Caesar won, nor fame; But energy was his that could not rest- The only shame he knew was not to win. Keen and unvanquished,Cicero wrote thus of Caesar: 'Have you ever read or heard of a man more vigorous in action or more moderate in the use of victory than our Caesar' - Epp. ad Diversos, viii. 15. where revenge or hope Might call, resistless would he strike the blow With sword unpitying: every victory won Reaped to the full; the favour of the gods Pressed to the utmost; all that stayed his course Aimed at the summit of power, was thrust aside: Triumph his joy, though ruin marked his track. As parts the clouds a bolt
M. Annaeus Lucanus, Pharsalia (ed. Sir Edward Ridley), book 2, line 234 (search)
satisfy their vengeance. Decius fell, ' Crushed by the hostile ranks. When Cato falls ' Let Rhine's fierce barbarous hordes and both the hosts 'Thrust through my frame their darts! May I alone ' Receive in death the wounds of all the war! 'Thus may the people be redeemed, and thus ' Rome for her guilt pay the atonement due. ' Why should men die who wish to bear the yoke ' And shrink not from the tyranny to come? 'Strike me, and me alone, of laws and rights 'In vain the guardian: this vicarious life ' Shall give Hesperia peace and end her toils. ' Who then will reign shall find no need for war. ' You ask, Why follow Magnus? If he wins So Cicero: ' Our Cnaeus is wonderfully anxious for such a royalty as Sulla's. I who tell you know it.' (' Ep. ad Att.,' ix. 7.) ' He too will claim the Empire of the world. ' Then let him, conquering with my service, learn ' Not for himself to conquer.' Thus he spoke And stirred the blood that ran in Brutus' veins Moving the youth to action in the war.
M. Annaeus Lucanus, Pharsalia (ed. Sir Edward Ridley), book 6, line 263 (search)
ended: and Pharsalia's name Had so been blotted from the book of fate. But Caesar left the region where his arms Had found the deities adverse, and marched His shattered columns to Thessalian lands. Then to Pompeius came (whose mind was bent To follow Caesar wheresoe'er he fled) His captains, striving to persuade their chief To seek Ausonia, his native land, Now freed from foes. 'Ne'er will I pass,' he said, ' My country's limit, nor revisit Rome ' Like Caesar, at the head of banded hosts.So Cicero: ' Shall I, who have been called saviour of the city and father of my country, bring into it an army of Getae, Armenians, and Colchians?' ('Ep. ad Atticum,' ix., 10.) ' Hesperia when the war began was mine; ' Mine, had I chosen in our country's shrines, ' In midmost forum of her capital, ' To join the battle. So that banished far ' Be war from Rome, I'll cross the torrid zone ' Or those for ever frozen Scythian shores. What! shall my victory rob thee of the peace I gave thee by my flight? R
Pliny the Elder, The Natural History (ed. John Bostock, M.D., F.R.S., H.T. Riley, Esq., B.A.), BOOK II. AN ACCOUNT OF THE WORLD AND THE ELEMENTS., CHAP. 1. (1.)—WHETHER THE WORLD BE FINITE, AND WHETHER THERE BE MORE THAN ONE WORLD. (search)
above designations. I have, in almost all cases, translated it by the term world, as approaching nearest to the sense of the original. The word mundus is frequently employed by Lucretius, especially in his fifth book, and seems to be almost always used in the more extended sense of universe. There are, indeed, a few passages where either meaning would be equally appropriate, and in one line it would appear to be equivalent to firmament or heavens; "et mundi speciem violare serenam," iv. 138. Cicero, in his treatise De Natura Deorum, generally uses the term mundus in the sense of universe, as in ii. 22, 37, 58 and 154; while in one passage, ii. 132, it would appear to be employed in the more limited sense of the earth. It occasionally occurs in the Fasti of Ovid, but it is not easy to ascertain its precise import; as in the line "Post chaos, ut primum data sunt tria corpora mundo," v. 41, where from the connexion it may be taken either in the more confined or in the more general sense.
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