Browsing named entities in Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). You can also browse the collection for Scotia or search for Scotia in all documents.

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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Mitchel's Desires. (search)
. Mitchel had better say nothing more of the reopening of the African Slave-Trade. If one people are to go to Africa for slaves, why may not another people go to Ireland for the same commodity? We hope we shall not offend Mr. Mitchel's Hibernian sensibilities by the question, but how would he like it if a French ship should carry off from the coast of Ireland, and into Slavery, a select assortment of his aunts, uncles and cousins; in fact, the cream of the Mitchel family? But the Africans are black, and the Irishmen are white — when they are not very dirty. True enough; but color has not heretofore saved the Irish people from the most terrible oppressionto ask this Irishman why the rule is not applicable to the condition of his own countrymen. But, out of our respect for an unhappy land, we will not pursue the subject. Many and grievous have been the burthens of Ireland; she has now another to bear in the apostasy of a man whom she once delighted to honor. September 9, 1857
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Constitution — not Conquest. (search)
of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upon such an enterprise? Would he be found in his place in Parliament making soft speeches in behalf of a Provisional Government established in Dublin, and voting against all bills for putting down an Irish insurrection? And yet Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the American Union. Nay, if we. look at the matter, and institute a somewhat closer comparison, we find that the connection of Ireland with the English throne, originating in one of those conquests which Lord Brougham so much deprecates, and since sustained by cruelties which no honest writer can extenuate, does afford a ground for rebellion; while the Confederate States in their present revolt are without the shadow of an excuse. It is not enough to say that jealousies existed. It is not enough to say that fierce discussions had arisen between the North and the South. There can be no apology for this insurrection, exce
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Twelve little Dirty questions. (search)
urch is unquestionably due the reverence of some of us and the respect of others; but Heaven knows there is nothing in its history, nothing in its present position which justifies this sublime scorn of political affairs which Dr. Hawks professes. In England, from the days of Henry VIII. to the days of Victoria, the Church has been quite as much a political as a religious body — its Bishops have been courtiers, and sometimes generals — it has been a political institution in Scotland and in Ireland — the reigning monarch has been its legal head — among its clergy have figured the keenest and most unscrupulous politicians, while for the last twenty-five years, though Land has been in his coffin for more than two centuries, this Church which never meddles with little questions, has been well-nigh sundered upon points of architecture, of upholstery, of tailoring, of genuflexions and of decorations; while in America we have had petty reproductions of the same differences, with the disgus
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Roland for Oliver. (search)
ting a rebellion a mere holiday task. He might have gone further, if he had seen fit to do so. He might have pointed to the atrocities of the English soldiery in Ireland — to that chapter of history which can never be recited without awaking the indignation of mankind — to cabins burned, to men and women indiscriminately murdered, to tortures mercilessly inflicted — to that whole catalogue of crimes which Lord Cornwallis, then the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in vain endeavored to arrest, by the most pathetic remonstrance addressed to the English ministers in London. It would have been no inequitable rejoinder, to have said something of the British Themis, advancing into the hovels of Ireland with a halter in one hand and a bag of guineas in the other, buying men's lives as drovers purchase cattle, and attended by a train of nine-times perjured sycophants, spies, and informers! Something, too, might have been said of Capt. Hodson's summary execution, with his own hand, of the two <