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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition.. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

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nd fortune. They brought the civilization which the past had bequeathed to Great Britain; they were followed by the slave-ship and the African; their happiness inviut government, fought successfully against the whole strength and wealth of Great Britain. An army of veteran soldiers capitulated to insurgent husbandmen. The wlis might cease to look with indifference; the relations of the colonies to Great Britain, whether to the king or to the parliament, were still more vague and undefiecretaries of state charged with the management of the foreign relations of Great Britain. The executive power with regard to the colonies was reserved to the Secreconception of one American measure. The power of the House of Commons in Great Britain, rested on its exclusive right to grant annually the supplies necessary for, too vile to be employed near home; so that America became the hospital of Great Britain for its decayed members of parliament, and abandoned courtiers. Huske to
Governor of New York appeals to the Para-Mount power of Great Britain.—Pelham's administration continued. 1748-1749. The ing and taxing the colonies by the supreme authority of Great Britain. A colonial revenue, through British interposition, wae provinces, as the charge of defending any counties in Great Britain on such counties alone; that the other governments had cadia, according to its ancient boundaries, belonged to Great Britain; but France had always, even in times of profound peaceterposition of the parliament of chap. II.} 1748. Oct. Great Britain. Clinton to Shirley, 5 August, 1748; Shirley to Cline and his utmost activity, to secure the possessions of Great Britain against France, and to maintain the authority of the cey attempt, so repugnant to the laws and constitution of Great Britain, and to their own inestimable privileges and charter, o however repugnant they might be to the constitution of Great Britain, or of the colonies; thus abrogating for the people of
ts, that, in the plantations, are usually granted from year to year. But neither the blunt decision of Bedford, nor the arrogant self-reliance of Halifax, nor the restless activity of Charles Townshend, could, of a sudden, sway the system of England in a new direction, or overcome the usages and policy of more than a half century. But new developments were easily given to the commercial and restrictive system. That the colonies might be filled with slaves, who should neither trouble Great Britain with fears of encouraging political independence, nor compete in their industry with British workshops, nor leave their employers the entire security that might prepare a revolt, liberty to trade 23 Geo. II. c. XXXI. § 1.—saddest concession of freedom—to and from chap. III.} 1750. any part of Africa, between Sallee, in South Barbary, and the Cape of Good Hope, was, in 1750, extended to all the subjects of the king of England. But for the labor of free men new shackles were devised
&c., of the British colonies, with proposals for rendering those colonies more beneficial to Great Britain. as would make it cease to be prohibitory. Whether this duty, he added, should be one, two, or three pence sterling money of Great Britain per gallon, may be matter of consideration. The time was come when it was resolved to discard the policy of Walpole. Opinions were changing on the sujust its details; but the measure itself was already looked upon as the determined policy of Great Britain. Meantime, the Indians of Ohio were growing weary with the indecision of England and its e evidence not only of the reckless zeal of the Lords of Trade to extend the jurisdiction of Great Britain beyond the Alleghanies, but also of the imbecility of the cabinet. The king in council, swaly for the payment of their own clerk and their agent in England. Nor did public opinion in Great Britain favor the instructions. Charles Townshend was, indeed, ever ready to defend them to the la
ulate commerce. Franklin revived the great idea, and breathed into it enduring life. As he descended the Hudson, the people of New York thronged about him to welcome him; Letter from New York, 17 July, 1754, Gentlemen have, for this hour past, been going in and coming out from paying their compliments to Mr. Franklin. and he, who had first entered their city as a runaway apprentice, was revered as the mover of American union. Yet the system was not altogether acceptable either to Great Britain or to America. The fervid attachment of each colony to its own individual liberties repelled the overruling influence of a central power. Connecticut rejected it; even New York showed it little favor; Massachusetts charged her agent to oppose it. Massachusetts to Bollan, December, 1754. The Board of Trade, on receiving the chap. V.} 1754. minutes of the congress, were astonished at a plan of general government complete in itself. Representation of the Board of 31 Trade, 29 Octo
slature, by its method of granting money, so nearly exhausted and appropriated to itself all executive authority. Nowhere had the relations of the province to Great Britain been more sharply controverted. The Board of Trade esteemed chap. VI.} 1754. the provincial legislature to be subordinate, resting for its existence on actsem of freedom; and this small advantage was dearly purchased by the ever-increasing cost of cruisers, custom-house officers, and vice-admiralty courts; so that Great Britain, after deducting its expenses, received, it was said, less benefit from the trade of New York than the Hanse Towns and Holland; while the oppressive character Age and its forms in church and state, hating them with a fierce and unquenchable hatred. Imprisoned, maimed, oppressed at home, its independent converts in Great Britain looked beyond the Atlantic for a better world. Their energetic passion was nurtured by trust in the divine protection, their power of will was safely intrench
legates from the councils was to be invested with power at their meetings to adopt measures of defence, and to draw for all necessary moneys on the treasury of Great Britain, which was to be reimbursed by parliamentary taxes on America. The people in the colonies, replied Franklin, Franklin to Shirley, 17 Dec. and 18 Dec. 175 I have great reason to think the people will readily acquiesce. In England, the government was more and more inclined to enforce the permanent authority of Great Britain. No Assembly had with more energy assumed to itself all the powers that spring from the management of the provincial treasury than that of South Carolina; ands, and likewise that, by act of parliament, there be a further fund established from stamped paper. A miscellaneous Essay, concerning the courses pursued by Great Britain in the Affairs of her Colonies, &c., &c. London, 1755, at pages 89 and 92. This tax, it was conceived, would yield a very large sum. Huske, an American, writi
itions; while Roman Catholic missionaries persevered in propagating the faith of their church among the villages of the Abenakis. At last, after repeated conquests and restorations, the treaty of Utrecht conceded Acadia, or Nova Scotia, to Great Britain. Yet the name of Annapolis, the presence of a feeble English garrison, and the emigration of hardly five or six English families, were nearly all that marked the supremacy of England. The old inhabitants remained on the soil which they had they were away. Lawrence to the Lords of Trade, 1 August, 1754. The Lords of Trade in reply veiled their wishes under the decorous form of suggestions. By the treaty of Utrecht, said they of the French Acadians, their becoming subjects of Great Britain is made an express condition of their continuance after the expiration of a year; they cannot become subjects but by taking the oaths required of subjects; and therefore it may be a question, whether their refusal to take such oaths will not
Chapter 9: Great Britain unites America under military rule Newcastle's administration continued. 1755-1756. while the British interpretation of the bounda- chap. IX.} 1755. ries of Acasuch an independency without a strong naval force, which it must for ever be in the power of Great Britain to hinder them from having. And whilst his majesty hath seven thousand troops kept up withiown school of Worcester, after a career of danger and effort, shall stand before the king of Great Britain, the acknowledged Envoy of the free and United States of America. The military operationsSee the Pamphlet written jointly by Win. Knox and George Grenville. The Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies Reviewed, pp. 196, 197. Shirley was a civilian, versed in English law, and ing altercations with colonial assemblies, gave a military character to the interference of Great Britain in American affairs. To New York Lords of Trade to Sir Charles Hardy. chap. IX.} 1756.
safely and unmolested all the harbors of the belligerents, unless they were blockaded or besieged; that the contraband of war should be strictly limited to arms, artillery, and horses, and should not include materials for ship-building. But Great Britain, in the exercise of its superior strength, arbitrarily prohibited the commerce of the Netherlands in naval stores; denied them the right to become the carriers of French colonial products, and declared all the harbors of all France to be in aII., 443. Flassan: Histoire de la Diplomatie Francaise, VI., 64, 65. Heeren's Historische Werke, IX., 47. Such was the rule of 1756. To charge England with ambition, said Charles Jenkinson, A Discourse on the Conduct of the Government of Great Britain in respect to Neutral Nations, during the present War. an Oxford scholar, who had given up the thought of entering the church, and hoped for success in public life; to charge England with ambition must appear so absurd to all who understand t
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