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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: January 4, 1862., [Electronic resource]. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

Your search returned 29 results in 4 document sections:

tion is sustained by the hopes of recognition in Great Britain and in France. It would perish in ninety days, ded giving any cause of offence or irritation to Great Britain. But it has seemed to me that the British Goverave long subsisted between the United States and Great Britain, are willing to believe that the United States ondly relations which have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United States, are willing to believe this domestic strife, the United States considered Great Britain as a friendly power, while she had assumed for h same light and had assumed the same attitude as Great Britain. It has been settled by correspondence that the United States and Great Britain mutually recognized as applicable to this local strife these two articles hat, so I read British authority, is regarded by Great Britain herself, as true maritime law, that the circumste saylure which exists in the greater portion of Great Britain and the United States. The title to persona
, and therefore voluntary. If it was necessary, Great Britain, as we suppose, must of course waive the defect hey ought to be expected to affect the action of Great Britain. The reasons are satisfactory to this Govert with the British Government. It we claim that Great Britain ought not to insist that a judicial trial has bens or consent on her part. The question between Great Britain and ourselves, thus stated, would be a question at we as an independent State should expect from Great Britain or from any other friendly nation in a similar ctions that cases might be found in history where Great Britain refused to yield to other nations, and even to ohich is now before us. Those cases occurred when Great Britain, as well as the United States, was the home of gr provoke by a different attitude a rupture with Great Britain. For ourselves, we should see in that fact f this Government and those of the Government of Great Britain on the subject now in question, and to compare t
, and therefore voluntary. If it was necessary, Great Britain, as we suppose, must of course waive the defect hey ought to be expected to affect the action of Great Britain. The reasons are satisfactory to this Govert with the British Government. It we claim that Great Britain ought not to insist that a judicial trial has bens or consent on her part. The question between Great Britain and ourselves, thus stated, would be a question at we as an independent State should expect from Great Britain or from any other friendly nation in a similar ctions that cases might be found in history where Great Britain refused to yield to other nations, and even to ohich is now before us. Those cases occurred when Great Britain, as well as the United States, was the home of gr provoke by a different attitude a rupture with Great Britain. For ourselves, we should see in that fact f this Government and those of the Government of Great Britain on the subject now in question, and to compare t
off. Our friends at the North are in ecstasies at the promising condition of affairs for our cause, whilst the Northerners are very much down at the month. The New York Tribune of the 1st inst., says that "although it is not expected that Great Britain will directly, or by the implication of silence, assent to all the positions of Secretary Seward in his dispatches to Earl Russell, there is little doubt that its conclusion will be accepted as satisfactory." A Washington correspondent te speedily broken up. A Yankee correspondent, writing from that great pandemonium, the Federal capital, says: Our Government is undoubtedly in possession of information from Paris, rendering it certain that if there is a contest between Great Britain and the United States, France will studiously stand aloof, preserving a strict impartiality. But it is also stated that the Emperor has already urged the British Government to break the blockade of the Southern ports, and that if a declarati