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laws of nature. The Empress of Russia with her own hand minuted an edict for uni- Chap. XXVI.} 1766. Oct. versal tolerance. Can you tell me, writes Voltaire Voltaire to D'Alembert, 15 Oct. 1766. exultingly to D'Alembert, what will come within thirty years of the revolution which is taking effect in the minds of men from Naples to Moscow? I, who am too old to hope to see any thing, commend to you the age which is forming. But though so far stricken in years, Voltaire shall himself witness and applaud the greatest step in this progress; shall see insurgent colonies become a Republic, and welcome before Paris and the Academy of France a runaway apprentice as its envoy to the most polished Court of Europe. Meantime Choiseul dismissed from the Council of his King all former theories about America, alike in policy and war; Choiseul to Durand, 15 Sept. 1766. and looked more nearly into the condition of the British colonies, that his new system might rest on the surest ground.
ament has a right to tax the Colonies. The Parliament of England has no more jurisdiction over us, declared the politicians of that Colony, than the Parliament of Paris. B. Gale quoted in W. S. Johnson to B. Gale. We cannot believe, wrote William Williams W. Williams to . S. Johnson, Lebanon, Connecticut, 5 July, 1768. of Leby the guiding truths which it developes as it advances? While New England was drawing from the Bible proof of the nearness of the overthrow of tyranny, Turgot at Paris, explained to David Hume the perfectibility and onward movement of the race. Turgot to Hume, Paris, 3 July, 1768, in Burton's Hume, III. 163, 164. The British GParis, 3 July, 1768, in Burton's Hume, III. 163, 164. The British Government, said he, is very far from being an enlightened one. As yet Chap. XXXIV.} 1768. July. none is thoroughly so. But tyranny combined with superstition, vainly strives to stifle light and liberty by methods alike atrocious and useless; the world will be conducted through transient disorders to a happier condition. In th
t England had had since 1688, and saw in America the beginning of a long and even infinite series of revolutions. The Americans, he insisted, must first be compelled to submit to the authority of Parliament; it is only after having reduced them to the most entire obedience that an inquiry can be made into their real or pretended grievances. Frances to Choiseul, 23 Sept. 1768. The subject interested every court in Europe, was watched in Madrid, and was the general theme of conversation in Paris, where Fuentes, the Spanish Minister, expressed the hope that the English might master their Colonies, lest the Spanish Colonies also should catch the flame. Walpole's George III., III. 253. I dread the event, said Camden; because the Colonies are more sober and consequently more determined in their present opposition than they were upon the Stamp Act. What is to be done? asked Grafton; and Camden answered, Indeed, my dear Chap. XXXV.} 1768. Sept. Lord, I do not know. The Parliam
sly to entreat the King of France to be touched with their affliction and their loyalty, and not to sever them from his dominions. Gayarre Histoire de la Louisiane, II. 134, 135. Louisiana as a French Colony, by the Same, III. 127, 128. At Paris, their envoy, John Milhet, the wealthiest Chap. XXXVII.} 1768. Oct. merchant of New Orleans, met with a friend in Bienville, the time-honored founder of New Orleans, and assisted by the gushing tears and the memory of the early services of the vions to Spain; while the inhabitants of Louisiana took up the idea of a republic, as the alternative to their renewed connection with France. They elected their own Treasurer, and syndics to represent the mass of the Colony; sent their envoys to Paris with supplicatory letters to the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Conti; and memorialized the French Monarch to stand as intercessor between them and the Catholic King. Their hope was to be a Colony of France or a free Commonwealth. Ulloa to
to adopt for it from each of them whatever is the dearest to them, to do more, to enfranchise it and maintain invariably privileges capable of intoxicating the English and the Americans, this is to arm their America against themselves, by risking no more than what would otherwise be neglected. Every Frenchman had in his heart an excuse for the insurgents, and was ready to applaud their delirium of nationality and courage. Choiseul allowed their deputies to live at Chap. XL.} 1769. March Paris, and to publish their griefs; and he communicated to the Ambassador in England the project of the republic on the banks of the Mississippi. Choiseul to Du Chatelet, 14 March, 1769. The idea and the reasoning in its support pleased Du Chatelet infinitely. Spain, said he, can never derive benefit from Louisiana. She neither will nor can take effective measures for its colonization and culture. She has not inhabitants enough to furnish emigrants, and the religious and political
dict of Nantz, but would not even legalize their marriages. Bold in doing ill, he violated the constitutions of Languedoc and Brittany without scruple, employing military force against their states. The Chap. XLVIII.} 1772. Aug. parliament of Paris, even more than the other companies of judges, had become an aristocratic senate, not only distributing justice, but exercising some check on legislation; Louis the Fifteenth demanded their unqualified registry of his edicts. Sire, remonstrated the upright magistrate Malesherbes in 1771, to mark your dissatisfaction with the parliament of Paris, the most essential rights of a free people are taken from the nation. The greatest happiness of the people is always the object and end of legitimate power. God places the crown on the head of kings to preserve to their subjects the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property. This truth flows from the law of God, and from the law of nature; and is peculiar to no constitution. In France, as i