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George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 12 0 Browse Search
Laura E. Richards, Maud Howe, Florence Howe Hall, Julia Ward Howe, 1819-1910, in two volumes, with portraits and other illustrations: volume 1 10 0 Browse Search
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.) 8 0 Browse Search
Margaret Fuller, Memoirs of Margaret Fuller Ossoli (ed. W. H. Channing) 8 0 Browse Search
James Russell Lowell, Among my books 6 0 Browse Search
E. T. Merrill, Commentary on Catullus (ed. E. T. Merrill) 6 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 6 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 6 0 Browse Search
G. S. Hillard, Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan, Major-General , U. S. Army 4 0 Browse Search
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches 4 0 Browse Search
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Your search returned 94 results in 32 document sections:

E. T. Merrill, Commentary on Catullus (ed. E. T. Merrill), Date of birth and of death. (search)
aken place in 56 B.C., instead of in the fall of 54. Furthermore, c. 11, which was surely written toward the close of 55 B.C., shows a decided change in the feeling of Catullus toward Caesar, and accords well with the statement of Suetonius (Iul. 73), that after Catullus had angered Caesar by his epigrams concerning him and Mamurra, a reconciliation with the poet took place, apparently at his father's house at Verona. It is hardly credible that if Catullus lived during the exciting years that followed 55 B.C., the only indication of his new feeling toward Caesar should be the reference in c. 11, and that this was followed by silence. Such neutrality was not the fashion among the young friends whom Caesar was constantly winning to himself from the ranks of his political opponents. There seems, indeed, to be an indication in c
E. T. Merrill, Commentary on Catullus (ed. E. T. Merrill), Poem 17 (search)
urvivals of the orgiastic rites of most ancient times (cf. Preller l.c.), but even such rites as these are not to shake the new bridge. maximi risus: with this genitive of characteristic cf. Catul. 15.17n. municipem meum: evidently, then, a Veronese; the keen interest of Catullus in this local affair (and perhaps even the meter, used only here) point to a time when he was yet residing at Verona; cf. introductory note to Catul. 67.1 per caputque pedesque: I.e. over head and ears, soused completely under, β€” and that too (Catul. 17.10) in the deepest part of the slough. This marks the end of the movement begun by ire praecipitem. Yet per caput in Liv. Per. 22 is explained in Liv. 22.3.11 by equus consulem super caput effudit to be equivalent to praeceps (cf.
E. T. Merrill, Commentary on Catullus (ed. E. T. Merrill), Poem 68a (search)
ition of vv. 20ff. of 68a in 68b (vv. 92ff.) shows that the two poems were not far separated in time, but is more consistent with the theory of division than of unity (see also heading 5). 68a was evidently written (at Verona or Sirmio) not long before 68b (see 5 above, and later notes), and both before Catullus had become thoroughly aware of Lesbia's real character, and had finally broken away from her. Perhaps her loose life duringeference to love-affairs in v. 26 leads Catullus to the second part of the letter of Manlius, wherein the writer, desiring the personal presence and sympathy of Catullus, and not knowing any reason for his long tarrying in Verona, endeavored to draw him thence by a warning (though using no names) that his duty to himself in the protection of his honor summoned him back to Rome; Catullus replies that his grief makes it impossible for even
C. Valerius Catullus, Carmina (ed. Leonard C. Smithers), Poem 68 (search)
brother, taken from my unhappy self; you by your dying have broken my ease, O brother; all our house is buried with you; with you have perished the whole of our joys, which your sweet love nourished in your lifetime. With your loss, I have dismissed wholly from mind these studies and every delight of mind. So then, because you write, β€œit is shameful for Catullus to be at Verona, because here someone of the better sort warms up his frigid limbs on a desolate couch;β€œ that, Manlius, is not shameful; rather it is a sorrow. Therefore, forgive me if I do not bestow on you these gifts which grief has snatched from me, because I am unable. For the fact that there is no great store of writings with me arises from this, that we live at Rome: there is my hom
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 358 (search)
Natae Med. &c., nata Rom., Gud. corrected, and some others, including the Balliol MS. Pal. and the Vatican and Verona fragments are wanting. Nata is the common reading. Wagn. restored natae, and later editors have followed him. But natae Phrygiisque hymenaeis for natae Phrygisque hymenaeis would be a little harsh, though not unexampled; and natae may have arisen from gnatae just below. Nata would point to the personal peril of her daughter, Phrygiis hymenaeis to the impolicy of a foreign alliance, both which motives are urged in Amata's speech. One or two MSS. have natae Turnique hymenaeis from v. 398 (comp. v. 344 above), which may further account for natae, though of course it might be used to justify that reading.
Boethius, Consolatio Philosophiae, Book One, Prosa 4: (search)
"Sed num . . . ?") responds. perditum ire: "to aim at destroying," supine of purpose (cf. note on 1P3.7); with voluisse , the force is almost the same as perdere . num: interrogative particle expecting a negative answer. me dicturum quid facturumve: "me [when I was] about to say or do anything." Veronae: locative; the Ostrogothic kings held court at several cities in northern Italy, principally Verona, Pavia, and Ravenna. avidus: "greedy for" + genitive. Albinum: see on 1P4.14. delatae: transferred epithet, i.e., applies more precisely to crimen than to maiestatis . quanta . . . defenderim: indirect question governed by meministi . securitate: stronger than English 'security'; here, "heedlessness, confident disregard." haec: the contents of this prosa. et . . . et: "both . . . and," connecting proferre and iact
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.), Chapter 1: the policy of war. (search)
ion. Arbiter between two hostile interests, Ferdinand blindly threw himself into the arms of that one of the parties which affected a great veneration for the throne, but which counted to make the most of the royal authority for its own profit, without troubling itself about future consequences. Society remained divided into two hostile camps, which it would not have been impossible to calm and to bring together in course of time. Those camps have come anew to blows, as I had predicted at Verona in 1823; a great lesson, from which it appears for the rest, that no person is disposed to profit in this beautiful and too unhappy country, although history is not wanting in examples to attest that violent reactions are, no more than revolutions, proper elements for constructing and consolidating. God grant that there may result from this frightful conflict, a throne strong and respected, equally free of all factions, and supported upon a disciplined army as well as the general interests
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.), Chapter 3: strategy. (search)
rt. The points of support which a front of operations should offer, are also called pivots of operations, these are partial bases for a given time, and must not be confounded with the pivots of a manoeuvre. For example, in the campaign of 1796, Verona was an excellent pivot of operations for all the enterprises which Napoleon undertook around Mantua during eight whole months. Dresden was in like manner in 1813, the pivot of all his movements. Those points are temporary or eventual places of a larger scale than could have place for combat. All positions taken behind a river, or on a line of defense, the divisions of which should be at a certain distance asunder, count in this number; those which the armies of Napoleon had at Rivoli, Verona and Legnano, to watch the Adige, those which he had in 1813 in Saxony and in Silesia in advance of his line of defense, were strategical positions, as well as those of the Anglo-Prussian armies on the frontier of Belgium before the battle of Ligm
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.), Note on intrenched camps. (search)
by a ditch like the Danube! For the rest, the interesting notice of Captain Allard upon those towers, proves that they are well conceived for obtaining the greatest possible fire, upon the whole periphery of attack with a small number of artillerists, although there is a manifest error in the enumeration which he has made of them. In mountainous places like Genoa, (where they are employed for the first time upon a different model,) as well as Besancon, Grenoble, Lyons, Befort, Briancon, Verona, Prague, Salsburg, and the forts covering the gorges of mountains, they would be valuable. With regard to the trace of the camp which seems somewhat extensive, the space of from eighteen to twenty thousand yards, to be garnished completely upon a single line with a reserve, would require a hundred and fifty battalions at least; but it would rarely, occur that both banks would require to be defended at the same time, the same also of the side along the Danube; now, the true defense would sca
le without disorder. If the army is large, so that several corps may be formed, they should be disposed as shown in Figs. 3 or 4, Plate V. If the enemy attacks the advanced guard, he offers his own flank to the corps already more advanced or still behind. Davoust, while retreating from Ratisbon, before the battles of Abensberg, Eckmuhl, etc., formed in a similar way; he executed his march between the Austrian force and the Danube. The flank march of General Radetski, in 1848, from Verona to Mantua, is also remarkable. By manoeuvre marches we understand marches executed by large armies, and having more of a strategical object than a tactical one; they are, in fact, strategical flank marches. I will give the dispositions for marching as used by Napoleon at Ulm in 1805, and at Jena in 1806. Each of the corps designated in the plan was of three divisions, and in the manoeuvres at Ulm that of Ney was of five. In these marches the force of each army corps, and the distance